SIDNEY  L.GULICA 


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The  Fight  for  Peace   , 


The  Fight  for  Peace 

AN  AGGRESSIVE  CAMPAIGN 
FOR  AMERICAN  CHURCHES 


By 

SIDNEY  L.  GULICK,  D.D. 

>►> 

Associate  Secretary  of  the  Commission  on  Peace  and 

Arbitration  ;  Representative  of  the  Commission 

on  Relations  with  Japan  ;  of  the  Federal 

Council  of  the   Churches  of  Christ 

in  America 


New  York  Chicago  Toronto 

Fleming    H.     Revell    Company 

London  and        Edinburgh 


CL^^ 


Copyright,  1915,  by 
FLEMING  H.  REVELL  COMPANY 


"The  Fight  for  Peace,"  by  Rev.  Sidney  L. 

Gulick,  is  published  for  the  Commission  on 

Peace  and  Arbitration,  under  the  authority  of 

the  Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  of  Christ 

in  America. 

Charles  S.  Macfarland, 

General  Secretary. 


New  York:  158  Fifth  Avenue 
Chicago:  125  North  Wabash  Ave. 
Toronto:  25  Richmond  Street,  W. 
London:  21  Paternoster  Square 
Edinburgh:      100    Princes    Street 


FIRST  VISION 

Again  the  devil  taketh  him  unto  an  exceeding  high  mountain  and 
showeth  him  all  the  kingdoms  of  the  world  and  the  glory  of  them ;  and 
he  said  unto  him,  «  All  these  things  will  I  give  thee,  if  thou  wilt  fall  down 
and  worship  me.' 

Vision  of  World  Empire 
Result 

Selfishness     Ambition     Aggression 

Pride     Arrogance     Disdain     Scorn     Self-Conceit 

Animosity     Enmity     Hatred     Rage     Lust 

Unfriendliness 

Insincerity     Deceit     Trickery     Treachery     Suspicions 

Spies     Lies 

Brutalities     Murders     Wars     Destructions 

Pillage     Carnage     Rape 

Atrocities     Agonies 

Cripples     Widows     Orphans     Refugees 

Poverty     Famine     Disease 

Victories     Oppressions     Injustice     Luxury     Degeneracy 

Defeats     Humiliation     Despair     Shame 

Suicides 

Resentments     Revenge 

Plottings     Rebellions 

Recurring  ad  Infinitum 


HELL  ON  EARTH 


SECOND  VISION 

And  I  saw  a  new  heaven  and  a  new  earth. 

Behold  a  King  shall  reign  in  righteousness ;  and  the  spirit  of  the  Lord 
shall  rest  upon  him,  the  spirit  of  wisdom  and  understanding,  of  counsel 
and  might,  of  knowledge  and  of  the  fear  of  the  Lord.  With  righteousness 
shall  he  judge  the  poor.  Righteousness  shall  be  the  girdle  of  his  loins 
and  faithfulness  the  girdle  of  his  reins.  The  earth  shall  be  full  of  the  knowl- 
edge of  the  Lord  as  the  waters  cover  the  sea. 

Seek  ye  first  the  Kingdom  of  God  and  His  righteousness  and  all  these 
things  shall  be  added  unto  you. 

Vision  of  The  Kingdom  of  God 
Result 

Justice     Righteousness 

Good-will     Sympathy     Helpfulness 

Brotherliness     Unselfishness 

Sincerity     Frankness     Trustworthiness 

Trust     Confidence 

Teachableness     Dependableness 

Appreciation     Approval     Friendship     Love 

Honesty     Truthfulness     Integrity 

Civilization     Communication 

Travel     Trade     Commerce 

Prosperity     Abundance     Comfort     Wealth     Health 

Cooperation     Organization     Credit 

Science     Understanding     Mastery 

Education     Literature 

Sculpture     Painting     Music 

Philosophy     Religion     Insight 

Uplift     Happiness     Peace     Harmony    Joy     Hope 

Progress  ad  Infinitum 


HEAVEN  ON  EARTH 


Foreword 

CHRISTENDOM  at  war  !  Is  it  possible  to  reconcile 
with  Christian  ideals  **  rivers  of  blood  and  moun- 
tains of  bones,"  to  use  a  Japanese  expression? 
These,  however,  are  a  small  part  of  the  tragedy. 
Consider  the  passionate  hatreds  of  nations  and  their  mutual 
denunciations,  revengeful  atrocities,  wanton  destructions,  and 
outrageous  falsehoods.  How  awful  the  poverty,  the  sorrow 
and  the  suffering  of  widows  and  children  and  cripples  unnum- 
bered in  every  land  I  These  survive  for  years  and  decades 
after  the  carnage  is  over. 

What,  one  naturally  asks,  have  Christians  of  Europe  been 
doing,  or  what  have  they  failed  to  do,  to  bring  upon  themselves 
this  scourge  ?  Are  the  real  causes  of  Europe's  tragedy  those 
usually  assigned,  or  are  there  other  and  deeper  reasons?  What 
is  the  responsibility  of  churches  in  this  matter  ?  And  what 
now  is  their  duty  ? 

What,  moreover,  shall  we  think  of  programs  of  economists 
and  juridical  pacifists  ?  And  what  about  the  counter  proposals 
of  military  pacifists  ?  To  what  extent  are  any  of  these  pro- 
grams really  practicable?  Is  not  the  Golden  Rule  the  only 
effective  peace  program  ?  Such  are  the  questions  that  are  to 
engage  our  attention. 

The  central  contention  of  this  volume  is  that  Christianity  is 
not  bankrupt,  as  many  allege.  In  its  fullness  Christianity  has 
not  yet  been  tried.  In  international  relations  it  cannot  be  pro- 
nounced a  failure,  for  it  has  never  been  adequately  tested. 
Selfish  greed  begets  its  kind.  So  also  does  love  evoke  love. 
And  this  is  true  in  international  as  well  as  in  individual  group 
and  class  relations.     Whenever  the  Golden  Rule  has  been 

7 


8  Foreword 

seriously  tried  it  has  been  found  thoroughly  eflFective  in  secur* 
ing  good-will. 

The  discussions  of  this  volume  fall  into  three  parts.  The 
first  section  is  a  descriptive  and  analytic  study  of  the  significant 
features  of  the  modern  world  and  the  Church  as  bearing  upon 
world-militarism  and  world- peace.  Part  Two  deals  with  the 
fundamental  factors  of  world-peace,  namely,  the  Christian 
vision  and  the  Christian  motive,  the  needed  organization  of  the 
Church  and  the  effective  education  of  the  youth  of  the  nation. 
Part  Three  suggests  a  constructive  program  for  evoking  the 
good-will  of  other  nations  toward  the  United  States  and  their 
confidence  in  us. 

The  details  of  this  program  have  been  presented  with  con- 
siderable minuteness.  They  are,  however,  to  be  regarded  as 
illustrations  of  the  main  thesis  rather  than  as  items  to  be  rigidly 
carried  out.  They  are  suggestions  of  possible  methods  of 
action  rather  than  an  inflexible  program. 

The  first  impression  that  many  will  doubtless  receive  on 
reading  this  third  section  will  be  that  its  call  for  vast  benevo- 
lent enterprises  is  chimerical  and  utterly  impracticable,  for  it 
assumes  the  existence  in  the  churches  of  a  transformed  human 
nature  that  is  not  there.  Even  Christians  are  not  ready  to  un- 
dertake such  altruistic  activities,  much  less  the  nation  as  a  whole. 

Yes,  critics  who  believe  in  the  god  of  things  as  they  are  are 
quite  right.  The  program  is  chimerical.  But  so  is  the  Golden 
Rule,  and  so  are  all  the  beatitudes  and  the  commands  of  Jesus. 
Christ's  whole  life  was  chimerical  and  visionary,  based  on  an 
impracticable  insistence  on  the  superior  power  of  goodness, 
truth  and  love.  And  did  not  the  cross  prove  the  folly  of  good- 
ness and  the  impotence  of  love  ?  The  program  here  suggested 
is  in  truth  as  impracticable  and  chimerical  as  the  idealism  that 
inspired  the  life  of  Jesus — and  no  more.  It  believes  that  God 
is  love  and  that  love  will  rule.  It  will  rule,  however,  only  as 
followers  of  Jesus  catch  His  spirit,  share  His  faith,  and  are 
ready  to  suffer  with  Him  in  the  redemption  of  the  world, 
transforming  it  from  what  it  is  into  what  it  ought  to  be. 


Foreword  9 

This  program  believes  in  the  God  of  things  as  they  ought  to 
be  and  will  be.  It  allies  itself  with  the  better  future,  not  with 
the  vanishing  past. 

Moreover,  who  knows  how  much  transformed  human  nature 
there  is  in  the  Church  to-day,  and  even  in  the  world  ?  Is  not 
the  tragedy  in  Europe  teaching  us  all  profound  lessons,  trans- 
forming our  thoughts,  changing  our  innermost  feelings  ?  The 
regeneration  of  human  nature  sometimes  requires  long  periods 
of  time  and  again  it  takes  place  with  miraculous  suddenness. 
How  far  and  how  deeply  the  inner  nature  of  a  man  or  of  a 
nation  is  changed  by  even  a  brief  experience  can  be  known 
only  by  subsequent  years  of  life.     Conduct  reveals. 

What  is  now  needed  is  a  channel  for  expression  and  an  or- 
ganism for  enacting  into  fact  the  fresh  insight  and  inspiration 
of  this  great  and  terrible  experience.  Then  we  can  see  whether 
or  not  the  vision  of  Golden  Rule  Diplomacy  is  chimerical  and 
impracticable.  When  enough  Americans  have  faith  in  the 
vision  to  put  it  into  practice  it  will  no  longer  be  impracticable 
and  chimerical.  If  it  is  impracticable  it  is  not  because  such  a 
program  will  fail  to  secure  the  promised  results,  but  only  be- 
cause we  have  not  the  requisite  spirit  and  faith. 

This,  however,  is  beyond  dispute — Golden  Rule  Internation- 
alism is  the  only  practicable  method  for  establishing  world- 
peace.  Whoever  is  in  earnest  for  world-peace  can  gain  his  end 
only  as  he  exalts  and  makes  universal  the  rule  of  the  Golden 
Rule. 

S.  L.  G. 

New  York, 


H  prater  for  peace 

O  Lord,  since  first  the  blood  of  Abel  cried  to  thee 
from  the  ground  that  drank  it,  this  earth  of  thine  has  • 
been  defiled  with  the  blood  of  man  shed  by  his 
brother's  hand,  and  the  centuries  sob  with  the  cease- 
less horror  of  war.  Ever  the  pride  of  kings  and 
the  covetousness  of  the  strong  have  driven  peaceful 
nations  to  slaughter.  Ever  the  songs  of  the  past 
and  the  pomp  of  armies  have  been  used  to  inflame 
the  passions  of  the  people.  Our  spirit  cries  out  to 
thee  in  revolt  against  it,  and  we  know  that  our 
righteous  anger  is  answered  by  thy  holy  wrath. 

Break  thou  the  spell  of  the  enchantments  that 
make  the  nations  drunk  with  the  lust  of  battle  and 
draw  them  on  as  willing  tools  of  death.  Grant  us 
a  quiet  and  steadfast  mind  when  our  own  nation 
clamors  for  vengeance  or  aggression.  Strengthen 
our  sense  of  justice  and  our  regard  for  the  equal 
worth  of  other  peoples  and  races.  Grant  to  the 
rulers  of  nations  faith  in  the  possibility  of  peace 
through  justice  and  grant  to  the  common  people  a 
new  and  stern  enthusiasm  for  the  cause  of  peace. 
Bless  our  soldiers  and  sailors  for  their  swift  obedience 
and  their  willingness  to  answer  to  the  call  of  duty, 
but  inspire  them  none  the  less  with  a  hatred  of  war, 
and  may  they  never  for  love  of  private  glory  or  ad- 
vancement provoke  its  coming.  May  our  young 
men  still  rejoice  to  die  for  their  country  with  the 
valor  of  their  fathers,  but  teach  our  age  nobler  meth- 
ods of  matching  our  strength  and  more  effective 
ways  of  giving  our  life  for  the  flag. 

O  thou  strong  Father  of  all  nations,  draw  all  thy 
great  family  together  with  an  increasing  sense  of  our 
common  blood  and  destiny,  that  peace  may  come 
on  earth  at  last,  and  thy  sun  may  shed  its  light  re- 
joicing on  a  holy  brotherhood  of  peoples. 

Walter  Rauschenbusch. 


Contents 

PART  ONE 

The  Modern  World  and  the  Church  as  Bearing 
Upon  World-Militarism  and  World-Peace 

I.  A  New  Era  in  Human  History        .         ,         .15 

II.  Real  Causes  of  Europe's  Tragedy  ...       22 

III.  The  Peace  Movement     .....       30 

IV.  The  Ideals  and  the  Practice  of  the  Churches 

IN  Regard  to  International  Peace         .         .       44 

PART  TWO 

Vision — Organization — Education 

V.  Vision  of  Christ's  Character  and  His  Gospel  .       57 

VI.  An  Adequate  Organization  of  the  Churches   .       61 

VII.  Peace  Education  Among  the  Young         .         .       75 

PART  THREE 

A  Constructive  Peace  Program 

VIII.  Friendly  Treatment  by  a  Nation   Large  and 

Strong  of  a  People  Small  and  Defenseless 
Possessing  Vast  Natural  Resources  :  The 
United  States  and  Mexico  .  .  .         .81 

IX.  Friendly  Treatment  by  a  Powerful  Western 

Nation  of  a  Peaceful  Eastern  People  :  The 
United  States  and  China    ....       87 
II 


1 2  Contents 

X.  Friendly  Treatment  by  a  Powerful  Western 

Nation  of  a  Powerful  Eastern  People  :  The 
United  States  and  Japan      .         .         ,         .     ii i 

XI.  Principles   of   Race   Assimilation   as   Bearing 

Upon  Asiatic  Immigration  .  .  .  .129 

XII.  A  New  Policy  for  the  Admission,  Treatment, 

Assimilation,  and  Naturalization  of  Aliens     133 

XIII.  The  Churches  AND  the  Sensational  Press  .     152 

XIV.  The  Churches  and  the   National    Policy   of 

International  Good- Will  .  .  .163 

XV.  The  Churches,  International  Relations,  and 

Foreign  Missions         .         .         .         .         .168 

XVI.  The  Churches  and  Disarmament      .         .         .174 

XVII.  International    Church    Cooperation    for 

World- Peace      .         .         .         .         .         .185 

XVIII.  The  New  Crusade 189 


PART    ONE 


The  Modern  World  and  the  Church  as 

Bearing  Upon  World-Militarism 

and  World-Peace 


American  Christians  are  widely  asking  what  they 
must  do  to  help  establish  worid-peace.  To  for- 
mulate an  effective  peace  program  Christians  must 
face  the  actual  facts  of  the  modern  world.  These 
four  chapters  in  Part  I  seek  to  present  those  out- 
standing features  of  our  life  that  throw  light  on  the 
fact  of  world- militarism  and  the  problem  of  world- 
peace. 

We  must  see  first  of  all  that  mankind  as  a  whole 
has  entered  upon  a  new  era  of  human  history.  In 
the  briefest  terms  we  sketch  its  salient  characteristics. 

We  need  also  to  grasp  the  real  causes  of  Europe's 
tragedy,  distinguishing  them  from  superficial  con- 
ditions and  accidental  events. 

The  Peace  Movement,  moreover,  needs  to  be  ap- 
praised. 

And  finally  we  must  seriously  consider  what  part 
the  churches  have  taken  or  &iled  to  take  in  promo- 
ting world-peace. 


A  NEW  ERA  IN  HUMAN  HISTORY 

THOUGH  we  ourselves  enjoy  the  advantages  of  mod- 
ern civilization  and  marvel  at  its  countless  won- 
ders, we  little  appreciate  its  full  meaning.  We  fail 
to  see  the  multiform  consequences  of  our  discoveries 
and  inventions.  Our  social  and  national  life  and  our  inter- 
national relations  have  been  tremendously  modified.  The  new 
conditions  are  so  new,  the  changes  are  so  vast,  and  we  our- 
selves are  so  immersed  in  them  that  their  larger  results  escape 
attention.     Let  us  analyze  them  briefly. 

1.  Mastery  of  Nature's  Titanic  Forces. — We  have 
become  giants.  Our  deeds  are  becoming  gigantic.  The  air 
and  the  sea  have  both  been  invaded,  if  not  yet  conquered. 
Infinite  energy  has  been  pressed  into  service.  It  has  been 
directed,  not  only  to  perform  man's  work,  but  also  to  carry  his 
thoughts  through  trackless  space.  Transportation  and  com- 
munication by  land  and  sea  have  made  more  progress  in  the 
past  century  than  in  all  preceding  human  history.  The  mys- 
teries of  matter  have  been  unlocked ;  vast  forces  stored  up  in 
the  chemical  constitution  of  matter  have  come  under  man's 
control ;  unheard  of  substances  are  being  made  of  undreamed 
utility.  All  these  inventions,  acquisitions  and  powers  can  be 
used  by  individuals  and  nations  in  the  promotion,  not  only  of 
human  welfare,  but  also  of  selfishness  and  destruction.  And 
in  proportion  to  the  good  they  are  capable  of  producing  are  the 
possibilities  of  evil  through  their  prostitution.  The  titanic  and 
destructive  character^  of  the  European  conflict  is  due  to  the 
prostitution  of  modem  inventions  and  discoveries. 

2.  The  Collapse  of  Space. — Man's  mastery  of  nature 

IS 


l6  The  Fight  for  Peace 

has  practically  abolished  terrestrial  space.  Not  only  have 
rivers,  oceans  and  mountains  vanished  as  barriers  to  human 
intercourse,  but  space  itself  has  been  crumpled  up.  Oceans  no 
longer  separate ;  they  connect.  Trade  and  travel  encompass 
the  globe.  We  accomplish  in  a  few  days,  or  even  hours,  what 
our  forefathers  often  needed  weeks  or  months  to  do.  And  as 
for  communication,  the  marvels  of  telegraphy  and  of  wireless 
have  made  the  entire  inhabited  globe  more  accessible  to-day 
than  a  single  province  was  to  Napoleon. 

Now  these  two  features  of  our  new  era  have  introduced  into 
modern  life,  and  therefore  into  warfare,  factors  of  enormous 
significance.  Nations  and  races  long  isolated  are  now  face  to 
face.  Not  only  do  the  nations  of  Europe  confront  each  other 
with  amazing  proximity,  but  Asia  and  Africa  are  at  Europe's 
front  door,  and  the  white  man  is  invading  every  land.  Modern 
civilization  makes  possible,  on  the  one  hand,  incalculable  de- 
struction ;  and  on  the  other,  the  assembling,  organizing,  arming, 
feeding,  and  handling  of  enormous  armies.  Never  in  history 
has  it  been  possible  for  even  the  greatest  military  genius  to  do 
what  every  nation  in  Europe  is  now  doing.  The  character  of 
warfare  itself,  moreover,  has  undergone  significant  changes. 
It  has  lost  practically  all  of  those  features  that  made  the  older 
warfare  more  or  less  ennobling. 

3.  Increasing  Wealth. — All  ancient  civilizations  lived 
on  the  ragged  edge  of  famine.  They  produced  barely  enough 
for  the  actual  needs  of  the  people.  Practically  the  entire  popu- 
lation of  each  land  was  engaged  in  raising  and  distributing 
food.  Modem  science  and  machinery,  however,  enable  a 
small  minority  to  raise,  manufacture  and  distribute  food,  cloth- 
ing, tools  for  vast  nations.  Famine  is  banished  from  civilized 
lands.  The  toil  of  the  majority  accordingly  is  now  turned  to 
the  further  development  of  the  instruments  and  the  wealth  of 
civilization.  These  have  been  accumulating  at  a  fabulous 
rate.  Among  the  baleful  results  of  this  accumulation  is  the 
development  of  the  spirit  and  power  of  materialism  with  its 
ominous  consequences- 


A  New  Era  in  Human  History  1 7 

4.  Growth  of  Population. — Ancient  civilizations,  no  less 
than  savage  lands,  were  ever  subject  to  decimating  disease. 
Epidemics  and  warfare  swept  off  the  people,  kept  down  the 
population.  Modern  civilization,  by  its  discovery  of  specific 
remedies  for  many  diseases,  by  its  surgery,  hygiene  and  care 
of  children,  and  by  its  extended  areas  of  good  government  and 
freedom  from  devastating  internecine  war  has  removed  the 
ancient  check  on  growing  population.  Christendom  accord- 
ingly has  grown  during  the  past  century  at  a  new  rate  and  far 
out  of  proportion  to  other  lands. 

Increasing  wealth  and  population  have  also  a  potent  bearing 
on  warfare.  Never  before  has  it  been  possible  to  remove  from 
productive  industry  such  a  proportion  of  men  in  the  prime  of 
life  and  still  provide  food  and  clothing,  houses  and  armaments 
for  army  and  people.  It  is  civilization,  therefore,  that  makes 
possible  colossal  standing  armies. 

Modern  civilization,  moreover,  has  developed  the  instru- 
ments of  war  to  such  a  degree  of  intricacy  that  only  prolonged 
specialized  training  can  give  proficiency.  Standing  armies, 
therefore,  have  become  not  only  possible,  but  necessary,  in 
order  that  men  may  acquire  the  needed  skill. 

The  wealth  of  civilization  still  further  makes  possible  the 
manufacture  of  enormously  expensive  weapons  for  both  army 
and  navy,  and  provides  the  ammunition,  not  only  for  actual 
warfare,  but  also  for  preliminary  practice. 

5.  Developed  National  and  Racial  Self-Conscious- 
ness.— The  close  connection  between  machinery  and  edu- 
cation, resulting  in  general  intelligence,  is  well  recognized. 
But  this  makes  possible  a  unification  of  national  and  race  self- 
consciousness  never  before  attainable.  In  a  land  equipped 
with  telegraphic  service  and  newspapers,  where  every  adult 
reads  the  daily  paper,  the  entire  nation  thinks  the  same 
thoughts  at  the  same  time,  and  develops  a  unity  of  thought 
and  emotion,  and  thus  a  power  for  national  action,  unparalleled 
in  ancient  times.  It  is  easier  for  America,  with  its  four  million 
square  miles  and  a  hundred  million  people,  to  know  the  latest 


is  The  Fight  for  Peace 

news  and  to  act  as  a  unit  than  it  was  for  Attica  with  its  fifteen 
hundred  square  miles  and  a  population  of  one  hundred  thou- 
sand or  less. 

This  principle  of  national  unity  and  national  self-conscious- 
ness, moreover,  applies  to  every  race  and  people  affected  by 
modern  civilization.  Greece,  Turkey,  Servia,  Bulgaria,  Japan, 
India,  and  China  are  all  rapidly  sweeping  into  the  circle  of  the 
nations  adopting  the  tools  of  modern  civilization,  and  are  ex- 
periencing the  consequent  changes,  subjective  as  well  as  ob- 
jective. 

Never  before  in  history  were  there  so  many  strongly  self- 
conscious,  ambitious,  national,  and  racial  units.  And  never 
was  any  ancient  or  mediaeval  people  so  completely  unified, 
organized  and  centralized  as  are  all  modern  nations. 

6.  Recovery  of  Submerged  Peoples. — The  factors  that 
have  made  the  great  nations  greater  and  stronger  with  every 
passing  decade  have  also  been  promoting  fresh  life  among 
peoples  overwhelmed  in  the  turmoils  of  past  race  conflicts. 
Rising  intelligence,  wealth,  unity,  ambition  are  characteristics 
of  every  race  group,  especially  in  Christendom.  Long  sub- 
merged and  relatively  silent  peoples  are  taking  on  new  life  and 
demanding  new  rights  and  privileges.  Old  supremacies  are 
accordingly  disputed.  Those  in  power,  however,  resent  all 
efforts  of  subject  races  to  secure  autonomy.  No  more  signifi- 
cant feature  characterizes  modern  politics  than  the  rise  of 
democracy  in  many  lands. 

7.  The  Latest  Factor — Asia. — The  awakening  of  Asia 
is  the  most  important  event  characterizing  the  new  era  of  hu- 
man history.  First  Japan  entered  the  current  of  modern 
civilization,  and  now  China  follows  her  lead.  Christendom 
can  no  longer  ignore  Asia,  even  as  Asia  has  found  that  she 
cannot  ignore  Christendom.  What  happens  in  other  lands 
and  continents  is  of  vital  significance  to  Europeans.  Their 
long  asserted  and  unquestioned  world  supremacy  is  soon  to  be 
contested.  Will  they  seek  to  maintain  it  by  military  might  or 
by  righteous  dealing  ?    The  problem  of  world-peace,  accord- 


A  New  Era  In  Human  History  19 

ingly,  is  not  one  that  depends  alone  on  the  relations  of  the 
nations  of  Christendom  to  one  another ;  it  includes  as  well  all 
the  nations  of  every  land.  The  Asiatic  factor  in  world-peace 
has  long  been  ignored,  but  can  be  ignored  no  longer. 

8.  World-Unification  and  World-Empire. — In  con- 
sequence of  the  factors  already  noticed,  the  interlinking  of  the 
life  of  the  world  has  been  advancing  with  giant  strides.  Each 
nation  is  being  bound  to  all  by  innumerable  cords  of  common 
interest  and  growing  resemblance.  Universal  education  in  the 
sciences,  history  and  philosophy  is  producing  an  international 
mind.  Commerce  is  binding  the  whole  world  together  with 
chains  of  gold.  Postal  communication,  cables  and  wireless, 
with  the  daily  press,  carry  the  world's  news  to  every  hamlet  of 
every  land  that  has  introduced  these  devices  of  modern  man. 
Denominational,  religious,  race,  and  civilizational  differences 
are  breaking  down.  Common  comforts  and  luxuries,  common 
ideals  and  efforts  are  arising.  The  "International  Mind"  is 
cosmopolitan  J  it  is  not  confined  to  America  and  Europe. 
Food  and  manufactured  products  are  transported  more  easily 
ten  thousand  miles  now  than  they  were  one  hundred  miles  a 
hundred  years  ago.  The  result  is  not  only  a  common  luxury 
of  life  for  even  the  poor  to-day  which  Crcesus  could  not  pur- 
chase nor  Alexander  the  Great  command,  but  also  a  vast 
amount  of  common  experience,  producing  common  reactions 
and  common  ambitions  and  motives.  The  differences  of  na- 
tions and  races  and  civilizations  are  giving  way  with  almost 
cataclysmal  speed.  A  common  international  life  and  a  world- 
unity  have  been  rapidly  developing. 

But  in  contrast  to  this  fact  of  the  marvelous  and  increasing 
world  solidarity  is  the  opposite  fact  of  the  effort  of  nations  and 
races  to  maintain  complete  independence.  Each  political  unit 
seeks  to  be  sufficient  unto  itself.  Hence,  strong  growing  na- 
tions proclaim  their  need  of  colonies  as  sources  of  food  supply, 
as  fields  for  commercial  exploitation  and  expansion,  and  as 
outlets  for  excessive  population.  Without  colonies  a  country 
feels  itself  so  dependent  on  others  that  its  own  independence  is 


20  The  Fight  for  Peace 

impaired  and  autonomy  threatened.     National  ambitions  long 
for  world-empires. 

g.  An  Overwhelming  Anachronism — Militarism. — 
In  the  modern  world-situation,  however,  nothing  probably  is 
more  amazing  than  the  extraordinary  development  of  militarism, 
which  finds  expression  in  the  military  and  naval  equipments  of 
the  leading  powers  of  Christendom.  For  years  rivalry  in  arma- 
ments has  been  a  conspicuous  feature  in  the  life  of  each  nation. 
The  latest  achievements  of  scientific  discovery  and  invention 
have  been  immediately  pressed  into  the  service  of  militarism. 
The  peace  footing  for  1913  of  the  armies  of  the  six  nations  in- 
volved in  the  Triple  Alliance  (Germany,  Austria-Hungary  and 
Italy)  and  the  Triple  Entente  (Russia,  France  and  England)  was 
5,000,000  soldiers,  while  their  war  footing  was  13,000,000. 
The  cost  of  these  war  preparations  is  stated  as  1^40,000,000,000 
in  the  last  twenty-five  years.  The  total  expenditures  for  a 
single  year  (191 2  or  19 13)  of  thirty-one  nations  for  their  armies 
and  navies  is  reported  as  having  been  ^2,324,067,000.  The 
total  wealth  of  the  warring  countries  is  placed  as  ^270,000,- 
000,000  in  1913.^  Such  withdrawals  of  men  and  money  from 
productive  industry  are  possible  only  because  of  modern  civili- 
zation. Yet  the  method  of  settling  international  and  interracial 
difficulties  by  battle  is  that  of  the  most  primitive  barbarism. 
Vast  military  preparations  signify  the  survival,  in  the  midst  of 
modern  civilization,  of  ominous  features  of  savagery  and  in- 
dicate how  incomplete  is  our  boasted  civilization.  For  civiliza- 
tion is  the  triumph  of  reason  over  force.     Militarism  makes 

»  A  computation  of  the  cost  of  the  wars  of  the  nineteenth  century  gives 
the  following  results  : — Total  number  of  men  slain  in  battle  or  who  died 
from  wounds  or  disease  I4,och3,ooo. 

Cost  in  cash ;5!40,ooo,ooo,ooo. 

Value  of  property  destroyed 40,000,000,000. 

Interest  paid  on  war  debts 30,000,000,000. 

Economic  loss  of  men  killed 100,000,000,000. 

Debts  of  the  nations  (1900) 35,000,000,000. 

Total ^245,000,000,000. 


A  New  Era  in  Human  History  21 

force  triumph  regardless  of  reason.  Militarism  in  Christendom 
is  the  survival  of  heathenism.  It  is  the  expression  neither  of 
Christianity  nor  of  civilization,  although  through  abuse  it  uses 
both  in  attaining  its  ends.  Militarism  is  the  great  anachronism 
in  the  civilization  of  Christendom. 

ID.  The  Approaching  Victory  of  Reason  and  Relig- 
ion.— The  tragedy  of  Europe  marks  the  ending  of  the  old 
order  and  the  beginning  of  the  new.  The  complete  opposition 
of  civilization  and  religion  to  militarism  is  becoming  clear. 
Militarism  has  indeed  drawn  rich  nourishment  and  strength 
from  civilization  and  patriotism  and  religion.  But  these 
mighty  movements  begin  at  last  to  see  how  venomous  is  the 
militaristic  viper  they  have  nourished  in  their  bosom.  Its  true 
character  is  now  being  revealed.  True  civilization,  true  patriot- 
ism and  true  religion  demand  the  annihilation  of  militarism. 
How  this  is  to  be  accomplished  is  the  pressing  question. 

Yet  in  our  just  condemnation  of  militarism,  let  us  not  over- 
look the  place  it  has  held  in  the  evolution  of  man.  Many  of 
his  noble  characteristics  have  been  developed  through  warfare. 
Under  the  protection  afforded  in  part  by  militarism,  tribal,  na- 
tional, and  at  last  international  life  has  slowly  and  impercep- 
tibly arisen.  A  world-mind,  a  world-civilization  and  a  world- 
conscience  have  been  silently  forming.  Through  the  tragedy 
of  Europe  these  world-interests,  responsibilities,  duties,  and  de- 
mands are  coming  to  self- consciousness.  They  seek  expression 
and  by  expression  more  complete  existence. 

This  means,  however,  the  ending  of  the  militaristic  ideal  and 
order  of  society ;  it  involves  the  complete  establishment  of 
goodness,  truth,  reason  in  all  man's  social  relations,  local  and 
universal. 

The  tragedy  of  Europe  will  not  have  been  in  vain,  the  sacri- 
fice of  life  and  treasure  will  not  have  been  too  great,  if  thereby 
the  New  Era  is  born  in  which  love  and  reason  rule  among  the 
nations. 


n 

REAL  CAUSES  OF  EUROPE'S  TRAGEDY 

EUROPE'S  tragedy  is  the  product  of  an  enormously 
complex  situation.  Only  those  behind  the  scenes  in 
Berlin,  Vienna,  St.  Petersburg,  Paris,  London,  and  the 
lesser  capitals  of  Europe  have  the  knowledge  needed 
for  a  complete  statement  of  the  motives  and  manoeuvres  that 
have  plunged  Christendom  into  strife.  Nevertheless,  even 
without  such  detailed  knowledge,  it  is  not  impossible,  nor  even 
difficult,  to  understand  the  main  features  of  the  situation.  In 
truth,  knowledge  of  too  much  detail  may  obscure  the  vision. 
In  the  following  discussion  details  are  purposely  avoided  that 
we  may  the  more  clearly  fix  attention  on  really  controlling 
factors. 

Europe's  tragedy  is  due,  not  to  conditions  but  to  active 
causes.  To  discover  a  practical  method  for  abolishing  war,  we 
must  understand  these  active  causes  no  less  than  the  general 
conditions  of  the  modem  world. 

How  far  the  European  war  was  demanded  by  the  peoples, 
and  how  far  it  is  a  war  of  dynasties  and  bureaucracies  may  be 
impossible  to  distinguish.  An  honest  and  informed  plebiscite 
of  all  Europe  would  probably  have  placed  each  nation  in  clear 
opposition  to  war.  However  that  may  be,  it  is  significant  that 
the  official  representative  of  each  government  now  at  war  re- 
peatedly declared  that  he  desired  peace  and  was  working  for  it 
to  his  utmost.  Each  accuses  others  of  having  been  the  real 
aggressors.  But  though  they  professed  to  desire  and  seek  for 
peace,  they  helplessly  drifted — nay,  ru9hed  into  war.  How  was 
this  possible  ?  Were  they  hypocrites  and  liars,  one  and  all  ? 
That  is  highly  improbable.     The  simple  fact  is  that  by  the  end 

22 


Real  Causes  of  Europe's  Tragedy  23 

of  July,  1914,  so  many  forces  were  at  work  that  war  was  prac- 
tically inevitable. 

Those  who  kept  in  touch  with  the  actions,  and  especially 
with  the  feelings  of  the  nations  in  recent  years,  have  been  cer- 
tain that  a  tremendous  European  war  was  bound  to  come  sooner 
or  later. 

What,  then,  should  we  regard  as  the  real  causes  of  Europe's 
war  ?  Who  is  responsible  ?  On  what  nation  or  nations  is  the 
blame  to  be  laid  ?  Germany  accuses  England,  Russia  and 
France,  individually  and  collectively.  These  countries,  on  the 
contrary,  lay  all  the  blame  on  Germany  and  Austria-Hungary. 
The  effort,  however,  to  lay  all  responsibility  on  a  single  nation 
or  group  is  useless  and  fruitless.  Much  less  is  any  individual 
the  sole  culprit.  Many  think  to  fix  the  responsibility  by  citing 
the  evidence  of  the  White  Books  of  England,  Germany  and 
France,  and  the  Orange  Book  of  Russia.  What  these  books 
show,  however,  is  only  the  final  manoeuvring  of  the  various 
diplomats  for  material  advantage  and  moral  prestige.  More- 
over, it  is  by  no  means  certain  that  these  books  disclose  all  the 
pertinent  facts.  Indeed,  there  seem  to  be  reasons  for  holding 
that  important  communications  have  been  withheld,  whose 
publication  might  require  considerable  modification  of  present 
approvals  or  condemnations. 

The  real  causes  of  the  war  and  the  responsibility  for  the  same 
are  not  to  be  decided  by  observing  only  the  actions  of  diplomats 
and  war  lords  the  last  week  or  month  before  the  attacks  on 
Belgrade  and  Lidge.  When  scores  of  men  smoke  cigarettes  in 
a  powder  factory,  the  explosives  of  which  they  are  all  manufac- 
turing, no  one  can  charge  exclusive  blame  on  the  individual 
who  drops  the  fatal  match.  All  are  responsible.  And  that  I 
take  it  has  been  the  situation  in  Europe,  and  even  throughout 
the  world. 

The  real  cause  of  Europe^ s  tragedy  has  been  the  ambitions 
of  races,  dynasties,  nations,  and  military,  capitalistic  and 
bureaucratic  cliques.  Each  has  been  ruled  by  plans  for  selfish 
advantage;    each  has    sought    prosperity  regardless  of   the 


24  The  Fight  for  Peace 

prosperity  of  other  nations.  Each  has  regarded  the  rest  with 
jealousy  and  suspicion  more  or  less  pronounced.  Unscrupulous 
men  in  each  have  guided  the  activityof  their  own  nation  to  its 
supposed  gain,  even  by  methods  often  unfair  to  others.  For 
four  hundred  years,  moreover,  each  country  of  Europe  has  re- 
garded as  legitimate  objects  of  prey  the  native  peoples  and 
lands  of  America,  Africa  and  Asia  who  have  been  unable  to  de- 
fend themselves  by  military  might.  America,  North  and 
South,  was  first  overrun  and  overwhelmed.  Africa  has 
recently  been  partitioned  among  the  powers ;  and  the  day  has 
been  eagerly  awaited  when  China  and  all  Asia  would  meet  the 
same  fate. 

Now  the  militaristic  theory  as  to  the  relations  of  peoples  and 
races  has  been  handed  down,  it  is  true,  from  primitive  times, 
and  it  has  been  completely  and  complacently  accepted  and 
developed  by  every  nation  in  the  world,  however  civilized  and 
religious.  Overwhelming  majorities  of  the  individuals  of  every 
nation  not  only  acquiesce  in  the  theory  and  practice  of 
militarism,  but  positively  approve  it. 

This  approval,  moreover,  is  not  an  unconscious  acquiescence 
in  traditional  ideas  and  ideals  on  the  part  of  the  lower  and  un- 
cultured masses  in  opposition  to  the  more  cultured  and  religious. 
It  is  a  policy  consciously  and  actively  advocated  by  the  most 
intellectual  classes  of  all  the  nations  of  Europe.  It  is  doubtful 
if  the  militaristic  philosophy  of  international  relations  urged  by 
militarists  would  have  captured  an  entire  nation  had  it  not  been 
accepted  and  advocated  by  her  intellectual,  her  moral  and  her 
religious  leaders. 

One  party  regards  with  horror  the  asserted  predatory  designs 
of  the  other  party.  But  how  many  men  of  any  nation  regard 
except  with  approval  their  own  vast  possessions  in  Africa  and 
Asia,  where  the  rights  of  native  populations  have  scant  con- 
sideration ? 

Since  available  fields  for  further  colonial  expansion  have  be- 
come exhausted,  the  ambitions  of  powerful  European  peoples 
have  inevitably  clashed ;  hence  the  development  of  antagonisms, 


Real  Causes  of  Europe's  Tragedy  25 

suspicions,  distrust,  animosity.  As  each,  moreover,  has  watched 
the  growing  military  might  of  neighbors  it  has  felt  compelled 
to  arm  more  and  more  for  its  own  safety.  War  scares  have 
been  utilized  and  even  deliberately  fomented  by  ambitious  indi- 
viduals, aristocratic  cliques  and  capitalistic  classes.  Nations 
have  been  deliberately  educated  to  believe  the  worst  about  neigh- 
bors. In  each  land  the  watchword  has  been  "patriotism." 
Even  governments  are  known  to  have  controlled  the  press, 
moulded  national  opinion  and  aroused  "patriotic  "  enthusiasm 
by  falsehoods. 

The  final  result  of  decades  of  military  preparation,  not  only 
in  guns  and  ammunitions,  but  in  fears,  hatreds,  jealousies,  be- 
liefs and  strategies  is  what  we  see  to-day  revealed  in  the  pas- 
sionate denunciations  and  outrageous  falsehoods  hurled  back 
and  forth  over  the  various  boundaries  of  the  combatants. 

Are  English  indeed  what  many  Germans  vehemently  assert  ? 
Assuredly  not,  though  Germans  are  perfectly  confident  they 
utter  the  truth.  And  are  Germans  in  fact  what  many  British 
insist  ?  By  no  means.  Neither  are  Russians  nor  Japanese,  nor 
French,  nor  Austrians,  Poles,  Jews,  and  all  the  rest  what  their 
respective  opponents  allege. 

The  real  cause  of  this  tornado  of  international  passions, 
carnage  and  destruction  is  not  to  be  found  in  the  misdeeds  of 
any  few  individuals,  nor  may  the  responsibility  for  the  whole 
terrible  situation  be  laid  upon  any  one  nation.  "  We  have  all 
sinned."  Every  nation  is  involved.  We  are  all  consenting 
partners  in  maintaining  the  relic  of  barbarism  that  has  sur- 
vived in  spite  of  religion  and  civilization — the  appeal  to  might 
instead  of  to  right  and  reason.  Every  nation  believes  in  might 
as  the  only  final  means  of  safety.  Any  nation  that  carries  her 
preparations  farther  than  others  may  not  realize  perhaps  that 
she  has  thereby  made  all  her  neighbors  afraid,  or  at  least  suspi- 
cious of  her.  They  have  not  been  able  to  compete  with  her 
applied  science  and  technical  skill.  Confidence  in  her  own 
militaristic  principles  and  military  preparations,  loudly,  widely 
and  publicly  proclaimed,  may  then  become  a  part-cause  of 


26  The  Fight  for  Peace 

war.  They  have  certainly  caused  fear,  distrust,  animosity, 
and  increased  armaments  on  the  part  of  her  neighbors.  Cor- 
responding armaments  in  other  and  rival  countries  have  had 
their  reactions,  evoking  fear,  suspicion,  animosity  and  still  in- 
creasing armaments.  The  process  has  been  cumulative,  each 
increase  in  one  nation  necessitating  corresponding  increases 
among  the  others. 

Ambitions,  aggressions,  injustice,  fears,  suspicions,  distrust, 
animosities,  and  actual  war  preparations,  with  confidence  in 
the  same — these  are  the  explosives  that  have  been  collecting  in 
dangerous  masses  for  decades.  To  assign  responsibility  for  the 
final  act  that  ignited  the  fuse  is  useless  and  vain.  But  useless 
it  is  not,  to  understand  the  inner  nature  of  the  real  causes  of 
Christendom's  calamitous  disease.  For,  if  we  isolate  the  germ, 
we  are  prepared  to  discover  its  toxin. 

A  bad  philosophy  of  international  politics  is  accompanied  by 
an  equally  bad  method  of  diplomacy.  Along  with  explosive 
war  material,  physical  and  psychical,  and  in  order,  doubtless, 
to  its  safe-keeping  till  the  psychological  moment,  we  find  the 
antiquated  diplomacy  of  the  middle  ages. 

From  time  immemorial  the  nations  of  Europe  have  sought  to 
aid  themselves  by  secret  pledges,  alliances  and  ententes,  whose 
exact  obligations  were  known  only  to  rulers.  This  Machia- 
vellian method  was  probably  inevitable  in  ancient  times  when 
wide  dissemination  of  knowledge  was  impossible  or  when  an 
empire  or  a  kingdom  was  regarded  as  the  personal  possession 
of  its  ruler,  who  alone  was  responsible  and  who  alone  decided 
questions  of  peace  or  war.  The  people  were  not  and  could  not 
be  responsible.  They  were  accordingly  used  as  pawns  by  the 
rulers  in  their  game  of  dynastic  ambitions.  The  people  had 
nothing  to  say  as  to  war  or  peace.  But  such  diplomacy  is  be- 
lated. It  is  not  in  harmony  with  this  modern  age.  Peoples 
now  ought  to  know  the  full  text  of  every  treaty  and  inter- 
national pledge.  For  the  people  of  each  land  can  and  should 
be  responsible.  Publicity  is  needed  for  honest  diplomacy  no 
less  than  for  honest  business  or  politics. 


Real  Causes  of  Europe's  Tragedy  27 

Secret  alliances  to-day,  moreover,  are  not  really  secret,  al- 
though the  exact  terms  of  the  pledges  may  not  be  published. 
They  serve  rather  to  promote  distrust,  suspicion  and  ill-will 
and  these  are  active  causes  for  war. 

The  language,  moreover,  of  diplomacy,  with  its  indirections 
and  misleading  technicalities,  indulging  at  times  in  specious 
duplicity,  and  with  studied  conformity  to  supposed  principles 
of  etiquette — covering  the  mailed  fist  with  a  velvet  glove — are 
relics  of  an  age  that  in  other  matters  is  gone.  These  character- 
istics of  ancient  diplomacy  have  persisted  till  the  present,  pro- 
moting suspicion  and  a  sense  of  insecurity. 

But  probably  as  important  as  any  other  cause  for  the 
breaking  out  of  the  war  just  when  it  did  was  relative  readiness 
for  war.  It  was  only  necessary  to  press  the  button.  A  single 
act  was  able  to  set  in  motion  the  whole  vast  enginery  that  each 
government  had  been  decades  in  perfecting.  Millions  of  men 
had  been  drilling  for  years.  Ammunition  had  been  stored  in 
every  fortress.  Cannons,  guns,  swords,  powder,  and  uniforms 
of  every  description  had  been  manufactured  and  piled  up  in 
huge  quantities.  Plans  of  strategy  had  been  all  worked  out. 
Every  man  knew  just  what  he  was  to  do,  where  to  go,  what 
train  to  take,  from  whom  to  take  orders.  All  Europe  was 
ready.  It  was  as  easy  to  start  a  war  of  the  nations  as  to  turn 
on  an  electric  light.  The  switches  were  easy  to  move.  And 
that  exactly  was  the  reason  why  the  tragedy  of  Europe  has 
come  at  this  time. 

If  the  nations  had  thought  that  they  were  not  wholly  prepared 
and  had  needed  a  few  weeks  or  months  for  the  final  prepara- 
tion ;  or  had  they  thought  that  the  prospect  of  victory  would 
be  better  a  year  or  two  later,  there  would  have  been  time  for 
peace  forces  to  get  to  work.  A  modus  vivendi  might  have  been 
found.  But  peace  could  hardly  have  been  lasting.  There  was 
too  much  gunpowder,  physical  and  psychic,  lying  all  around 
Europe.  It  had  to  go  off  sooner  or  later.  It  was  merely  a 
question  as  to  when  the  leading  nations  felt  ready  and  saw  the 
chance  for  a  favorable  beginning.     As  it  was,  those  in  each 


28  The  Fight  for  Peace 

land  who  seriously  desired  to  maintain  peace  had  no  time  in 
'which  to  speak.  In  a  word,  the  nations  were  far  better  pre- 
pared to  act  aggressively  than  to  think  peacefully.  Panic  and 
passions  demanded  war  so  loudly  that  they  drowned  the  voices 
calling  for  peace. 

Readiness  for  war  then  was  a  positive  cause.  And  of  course 
millions  of  soldiers,  and  especially  the  officers  in  every  army, 
were  straining  at  the  leash.  The  dogs  of  war  long  to  do  that 
for  which  they  exist  and  for  which  they  have  been  trained. 
In  this  sense  also  readiness  for  war  is  a  real  cause. 

Moreover  there  is  no  doubt  that  a  system  of  absolutely  un- 
human  international  ethics  has  been  developed,  expounded, 
accepted  and  defended  by  leading  professors  of  philosophy  and 
ethics ;  those  ethics  are  accepted  not  only  by  individuals,  but 
by  all  the  nations  of  Christendom  ;  they  furnish  the  background 
and  fundamental  postulates  of  international  politics  and  policies. 
Unchristian  passions  of  individuals  and  peoples  have  been  let 
loose ;  unchristian  words  have  been  uttered ;  unchristian  deeds 
have  been  done.  Many  are  guilty  from  whom  better  things 
were  to  have  been  expected.  President  Hadley  is  absolutely 
right : 

**  To  any  one  who  looks  at  the  present  European  crisis  dispas- 
sionately, the  striking  thing — I  may  well  say  the  pathetic  thing — is 
the  failure  of  the  different  nations  to  understand  anything  about  one 
another's  point  of  view.  Each  is  so  fervently  convinced  that  it  is 
right  that  it  credits  its  enemies  with  being  hopelessly  and  wilfully 
wrong — cither  deceived  by  their  rulers  or  animated  by  the  lust  of 
conquest.  It  believes  all  good  of  itself  and  all  evil  of  its  neighbors. 
It  can  no  more  see  the  truth  in  international  affairs  than  an  individ- 
ual man  can  see  the  truth  of  a  private  controversy  in  the  midst  of 
blind  rage  of  passion.     .     . 

**  The  effective  way  to  stop  war  is  to  stop  these  misunderstand- 
ings and  discourtesies  in  their  inception. 

**  But  all  machinery  fails,  and  all  machinery  must  fail.  The 
question  of  peace  or  war  rests  not  with  the  diplomats  but  with  the 
people.  To  bring  about  peace  on  earth  men  must  develop  the 
Christian  virtues  of  fairness  and  courtesy.     They  must  try  to  see 


Real  Causes  of  Europe*s  Tragedy  29 

things  as  others  see  them  ;  to  speak  and  act  with  a  view  to  the  feel- 
ings of  others  as  well  as  themselves.  This  appreciation  of  others' 
point  of  view  is  the  essential  element  both  in  fairness  and  in 
courtesy. 

*'  Any  Government  which,  while  professing  to  seek  peace,  gives 
an  example  of  arrogance  to  its  neighbors ;  any  newspaper  which, 
proclaiming  the  evils  of  war  and  the  desirableness  of  stopping  it, 
repeats  mean  insinuations  against  its  opponents  and  shapes  its 
editorials  to  suit  its  own  prepossessions,  without  regard  to  the 
facts ;  any  individual  who,  condemning  militarism  among  nations, 
nevertheless  nurses  his  own  prejudices  and  harbors  unjust  suspi- 
cions against  his  fellow-men,  is  to-day  belying  its  prayers  by  its 
actions.     .     .     . 

"  This  is  not  a  time  for  thanking  God  that  we  are  not  as  other 
men  are.  This  is  a  time  for  each  of  us  to  exercise  close  self- 
examination.  How  do  we  stand  these  tests  ?  Are  we  trying  in- 
dividually to  be  fair  in  the  controversies  that  actually  come  before 
our  attention  }  Do  we  read  the  newspapers  that  tell  us  the  plain 
truth,  or  do  we  choose  the  ones  that  tell  us  what  we  wish  to  be- 
lieve ?  " 

The  real  causes  of  Europe's  tragedy  are  the  ambitions,  pas- 
sions, selfishness,  suspicions,  distrust,  and  hatred  that  have 
come  down  from  ancient  times  and  have  been  fomented  by 
hereditary  aristocracies,  military  bureaucracies,  capitalistic 
cliques,  scheming  politicians,  crafty  statesmen,  and  a  sensation- 
loving,  money-making  press. 


ra 

THE  PEACE  MOVEMENT 

AMONG  the  important  factors  of  the  international  life 
of  the  past  few  decades  has  been  the  Peace  Move- 
ment. For  a  hundred  years  it  has  gradually  been 
gathering  force.  Its  advocates,  long  considered 
chimerical  dreamers,  have  of  late  been  regarded  as  far-seeing 
statesmen. 

In  his  "Modern  Pacific  Settlements"  Dr.  E.  D.  Darby  gives 
a  list  of  six  arbitrations  in  the  eighteenth  century  and  four  hun- 
dred and  seventy -one  in  the  nineteenth.  Since  1900  there  have 
been  about  one  hundred  and  fifty. 

The  signing  of  special  arbitration  treaties  between  countries 
is  a  custom  that  has  arisen  only  in  the  most  recent  times.  Be- 
tween 1899  and  191 2  (inclusive)  arbitration  treaties  to  the 
number  of  one  hundred  and  fifty-eight  have  been  signed  be- 
tween pairs  of  countries.  Of  the  forty-nine  sovereign  states  in 
the  world  forty  have  such  treaties  with  one  or  more  countries. 
During  the  past  year  America  has  been  especially  active  in 
these  matters.  Secretary  Bryan  has  negotiated  twenty-six 
arbitration  treaties  of  a  new  form,  by  which  a  year  for  in- 
vestigation by  a  joint  commission  is  mutually  pledged  before 
either  side  shall  declare  war. 

That  event,  however,  which  has  focused  the  attention  of  the 
world  and  aroused  high  hopes  for  the  success  of  the  Peace 
Movement  has  been  the  holding  of  two  official  international 
peace  conferences  at  the  Hague  (1899  and  1907)  and  the  pro- 
posal by  the  second  conference  for  the  establishment  of  a 
permanent  Court  of  Arbitral  Justice.  Ardent  peace  advocates 
have  been  preparing  for  the  third  Hague  Conference  in  1915, 
now,  however,  indefinitely  postponed. 

In  the  promotion  of  this  world-peace  movement  some  five 

30 


The  Peace  Movement  31 

hundred  peace  associations,  including  branches,  have  been 
organized  in  European  countries,  most  of  them  since  the  Paris 
Peace  Congress  of  1 889.  The  Inter-Parliamentary  Peace  Union 
which  came  into  existence  that  year  binds  together  legislators 
of  many  lands.  In  the  United  States  we  have  the  **  American 
Peace  Society,"  the  "  World  Peace  Foundation,"  the  "  Carnegie 
Peace  Foundation,"  the  "  Church  Peace  Union,"  and  the 
<'  Commission  on  Peace  and  Arbitration  of  the  Federal  Council 
of  the  Churches  of  Christ  in  America."  Connected  with  these 
general  bodies  are  groups  of  associated  local  societies  and 
committees. 

The  Peace  Movement  has  in  recent  years  become  so  well 
known  to  the  public  in  general  that  much  has  been  hoped  from 
it.  To  many  it  began  to  look  as  though  "pacifism  "  might 
really  win. 

The  tragedy  of  Europe  is  nevertheless  being  enacted.  The 
nations  of  Christendom  have  plunged  into  war  and  are  ascrib- 
ing each  to  the  other  words  of  duplicity  and  deeds  of  treachery 
and  atrocious  barbarism.  The  folly  and  futility  of  the  Peace 
Movement  is  accordingly  being  widely  proclaimed.  Many  are 
saying  that  **  the  first  step  toward  the  establishment  of  peace  is 
to  blow  up  the  Peace  Palace  with  dynamite."  **  The  Hague 
Conference  is  just  at  present  like  a  red  rag  to  a  bull."  This 
was  the  time,  they  urge,  for  the  Peace  Movement  to  show  its 
value,  yet  it  has  availed  nothing. 

Colonel  Roosevelt  asserts  that  "  No  arbitration  treaties  or 
peace  treaties  of  the  kind  recently  negotiated  at  Washington, 
and  no  tepid  good-will  of  neutral  powers  would  help  us  in  even 
the  smallest  degree."  He  asserts  in  the  strongest  terms  that 
the  only  practical  peace  program  is  preparedness  for  war. 
**  The  present  all-inclusive  arbitration  treaties,  peace  confer- 
ences and  the  like,  upon  which  our  well-meaning  pacifists  have 
pinned  'so  much  hope,  have  proved  utterly  worthless  under 
serious  strain. ' '  Only  treaties  backed  by  force  and  preparedness 
to  use  that  force  have  value. 

On  the  face  of  things,  indeed,  decades  of  peace  efforts  seem 


32  The  Fight  for  Peace 

to  have  been  useless.  Treaties,  promises,  agreements,  conven- 
tions, have  all  been  swept  away  as  chafi"  before  a  storm.  Long- 
standing pledges  of  neutrality  have  been  described  by  the  high- 
est authorities  and  signatory  powers  as  mere  **  scraps  of 
paper  " — **  paper  bulwarks."  Frightful  carnage  of  the  flower 
of  the  nations  has  appalled  the  world.  Incalculable  financial 
and  economic  losses  are  being  suffered.  In  consequence  of 
these  facts  many  have  lost  heart.  They  see  nothing  before  the 
human  race  but  endless  warfare,  more  and  more  destructive  and 
awful. 

Others,  however,  are  saying  that  this  will  be — this  must  be 
—the  last  war.  Yet  how  can  that  be  unless  some  effective 
way  is  found  of  relating  the  nations  and  of  curbing  their  pas- 
sions and  selfish  ambitions  ?  Nothing  is  more  certain  than  re- 
curring wars,  so  long  as  the  present  emotional  attitudes  and 
international  political  philosophy  are  maintained  in  every  land. 

What  then  can  be  said  at  this  time  for  peace  programs? 
Must  peace  advocates  admit  that  their  peace  plans  have  been 
foolish  and  their  efforts  futile?  Must  they  now  abide  in 
silence  and  wait  till  wars  have  ceased  through  the  exhaustion  of 
the  weak  and  the  enforcement  of  peace  by  domination  of  the 
strong?  Are  militarists  after  all  the  only  really  practical 
men  ?  Are  peace  advocates  and  peace  arguments  all  foolish 
and  Utopian  ? 

On  the  contrary,  do  not  terrible  carnage  and  appalling 
destruction  of  wealth  but  emphasize  the  need  of  exactly  that 
which  the  pacifists  have  proposed  ?  Is  not  now  coming  true 
what  they  have  been  foretelling  ?  Inconceivable  economic  and 
human  losses  are  being  incurred,  and  all  so  foolishly.  The 
nations,  however,  have  not  heeded  the  arguments  of  pacifists 
nor  followed  their  counsels.  Only  with  reluctance  have  the 
governments  participated  even  slightly  in  the  development  of 
judicial  machinery  for  the  rational  settlement  of  international 
difficulties.  Europe's  tragedy,  instead  of  disproving  peace 
arguments,  but  emphasizes  their  value.  Had  Austria  and 
Germany  been  willing  to  submit  to  the  Hague  the  case  against 


The  Peace  Movement  33 

Servia,  some  honorable  method  would  doubtless  have  been 
found  for  solving  the  immediate  difficulty  at  issue.  But  some 
at  least  of  the  nations  seem  to  have  had  ulterior  designs  and 
were  therefore  unwilling  to  use  the  means  provided  by  the 
Peace  Movement.  For  this  failure,  the  Peace  Movement  can- 
not be  made  responsible.  The  failure  does,  however,  bring  to 
light  a  factor  in  the  Peace  Movement  of  the  gravest  significance. 

Peace  advocates,  nevertheless,  are  by  no  means  discouraged. 
The  European  calamity,  many  are  saying,  has  advanced  their 
cause  at  least  by  a  century.  The  nations  begin  to  realize  what 
war  really  means  in  this  new  era.  It  involves  the  entire 
structure  of  civilization  and  the  very  foundations  of  society ; 
it  disarranges  every  detail  of  life  to  a  degree  never  possible 
before ;  the  whole  world  is  caught  up  as  in  a  cyclone  and 
is  hurled  hither  and  thither.  Men  now  see  things  of  which 
hitherto  they  had  only  read,  and  they  are  now  beginning  to 
say  that  somehow  effective  world-peace  must  be  established. 
They  are  ready  as  never  before  to  listen  to  proposals  for  inter- 
relating nations  and  races  by  methods  calculated  to  remove  or 
at  least  diminish  the  danger  of  war. 

Advocates  of  peace,  moreover,  are  justified  in  pointing  to 
the  many  difficulties  that  have  already  been  solved  by  the  use 
of  such  peace  facilities  as  have  been  established.  Hundreds 
of  cases  (over  600)  have  been  submitted  to  arbitration  in  a 
little  more  than  a  century.  Long  standing  issues  have  been 
settled,  which  might  easily  have  ended  in  war — such  as  the 
Newfoundland  Fisheries  contention  and  the  problem  of  the 
Alaskan  boundary.  In  all  these  cases,  how  easily  the  passions 
of  the  peoples  might  have  been  inflamed  and  collisions  de- 
veloped !  Thanks,  however,  to  peace  methods,  providing  for 
the  full  hearing  of  each  side  by  men  whose  impartial  judgment 
could  be  trusted,  a  solution  was  reached  at  once  rational  and 
satisfying  to  the  honor  of  both  sides. 

But  the  most  conspicuous  instance  of  right  relations  and 
mutual  confidence  maintained  between  two  peoples  through  a 
happy  peace  program  and  carried  out  for  a  full  century  is  wit- 


34  The  Fight  for  Peace 

nessed  to  by  the  four  thousand  mile  unfortified  boundary  be- 
tween Canada  and  the  United  States.  No  fort  frowns  nor 
soldier  threatens. 

With  such  arguments  and  experiences  to  fall  back  upon, 
peace  advocates  are  by  no  means  discouraged.  Rather  they 
are  more  insistent  than  ever  that  peace  proposals  are  not  need- 
less nor  ineffectual.  But  of  course  they  can  be  effectual  only 
when  actually  used. 

Students,  however,  of  the  Peace  Movement  should  under- 
stand its  fundamental  postulates  and  the  real  nature  of  its 
proposals.  The  movement  builds  on  two  assumptions;  first 
that  people  really  want  justice  and  do  not  want  to  fight ;  and 
second,  that  conflicts  arise  through  lack  of  machinery  for  ad- 
justing difficulties  and  providing  for  justice. 

The  attention,  accordingly,  of  the  movement  has  been  mainly 
directed  to  devising  suitable  machinery.  Pacifists  contend  that 
whatever  may  be  the  desires  of  dynasties  or  armies  or  bureau- 
cratic cliques,  the  people  themselves  really  do  not  want  to 
fight.  They  become  embroiled,  however,  by  events  that  touch 
national  pride  and  that  can  be  used  by  crafty  militarists  and 
shrewd  unscrupulous  statesmen  to  arouse  national  passions. 
Lacking  tribunals  and  methods  of  honorable  settlement  to 
which  the  people  can  appeal,  pride  and  passion  finally  make 
war  inevitable.  Pacifists  believe  that  as  soon  as  adequate 
international  judicial  machinery  shall  have  been  established 
and  confidence  in  the  essential  justice  of  its  decisions  shall 
have  developed,  international  friction  will  be  continuously  re- 
lieved, national  feelings  appeased,  and  danger  of  wars  averted. 
The  movement,  therefore,  seeks  to  construct  machinery  whereby 
difficulties  may  be  adjusted  by  methods  satisfying  the  honor 
and  essential  interests  of  the  nations  concerned. 

Peace  advocates,  however,  have  not  failed  to  see  that  the 
promotion  of  international  good-will  is  also  of  the  highest  im- 
portance. Count  d'Estournelles  de  Constant,  for  instance,  the 
illustrious  founder  of  the  International  Conciliation  Association, 
has  stated  his  views  in  the  following  pregnant  form : 


The  Peace  Movement  35 

"  Before  war,  arbitration  ;  before  arbitration,  conciliation  ;  before 
conciliation,  concord.  Such  are  the  steps  of  ideal  progress  that  men 
of  good-will  of  all  civilized  lands  are  pursuing  to-day." 

In  harmony  with  this  principle,  the  International  Conciliation 
Association  has  made  many  noble  efforts,  and  by  no  means 
fruitless,  to  bring  together  Frenchmen  and  Englishmen,  French- 
men and  Germans,  and  Englishmen  and  Germans.  The  Inter- 
parliamentary Union  has  likewise  wrought  valiantly  to  produce 
acquaintance  and  thereby  good-will  among  the  political  leaders 
of  the  nations.  In  the  United  States  many  special  societies 
have  been  organized  for  the  furtherance  of  these  ends,  such  as 
the  Pan-American  Union,  the  Japan  Society,  the  China  Society, 
the  American  Scandinavian  Society. 

This  entire  Peace  Movement,  however,  is  bitterly  attacked  in 
every  land.  Here  in  America  the  opposition  finds  expression 
in  the  United  States  Navy  League.  Its  watchword  is  "  An 
adequate  navy."  It  insists  that  it  too  stands  for  peace,  but  for 
peace  established  on  righteousness  and  enforced  by  might. 
Wars  spring  from  the  struggles  of  democracy  with  autocracy, 
from  race  prejudices,  from  unfair  competitive  struggles  for 
lands,  spheres  of  influence  and  harbors.  Human  nature  is 
what  it  is  and  wars  will  never  cease  till  human  nature  is 
changed.  It  is  folly  therefore  to  disarm  or  even  to  be  in- 
sufficiently armed.  Nations  are  selfish  and  pagan.  Might  is 
the  only  thing  nations  respect.  We  Americans,  it  is  true, 
are  enlightened  and  pacific  ;  we  have  no  predatory  designs. 
But  other  nations  are  not  so.  We  must  therefore  be  ready 
to  resist  force  with  force.  Progress  comes  by  fighting  in- 
justice and  resisting  evil  with  at  least  a  display  of  overwhelm- 
ing force.  Treaties,  conventions,  paper  promises  are  valuable, 
provided  armed  forces  are  available  to  make  them  effective. 
New  organizations  are  now  being  formed  upon  these  faithless 
assumptions. 

For  convenience  we  shall  term  this  group  military  pacifists, 
and  the  usual  advocates  of  peace  juridical  pacifists. 

What  attitude,  now,  should  Christian  pacifists  take  to  these 


36  The  Fight  for  Peace 

opposing  positions  ?  Both  schools  unquestionably  desire  right- 
eousness and  peace.  Both  are  sincere  in  their  arguments  and 
desires.  Do  not  both  also  proclaim  aspects  of  truth  and  right 
that  need  recognition  ? 

The  substantial  accuracy  of  the  militarists'  statement  of  the 
world-situation  can  hardly  be  denied.  The  peace  program  does 
not  and  cannot  appeal  to  peoples  and  governments  that  have 
selfish  ambitious,  that  plan  to  expand  their  territories,  to  rob 
their  neighbors  and  destroy  their  prosperity  by  force.  Such 
nations  will  not  accept  the  status  quo  as  permanent.  The  na- 
tion that  fails  to  arm  in  some  adequate  proportion  to  the  arms 
of  aggressive  neighbors  is  doomed  to  impotent  helplessness. 
National  safety  in  such  cases  depends  on  national  power. 
Treaties  with  such  nations  have  only  so  much  weight  as  there 
is  military  power  to  enforce  them.  A  peace  policy,  therefore, 
military  pacifists  insist,  which  leaves  a  people  helpless  is  the 
height  of  folly,  and  is  absolutely  impracticable,  as  the  world  is 
constituted  to-day.  Nations,  they  insist,  are  selfish,  and  world- 
peace  based  exclusively  on  reason  and  right  is  out  of  the  ques- 
tion because  no  nation  really  accepts  reason  and  right  in  inter- 
national relations.  What,  moreover,  is  right  and  reasonable  to 
one  people  is  far  from  right  and  reasonable  to  a  rival.  So 
much  depends  too  on  the  mood  of  the  moment.  World-peace, 
therefore,  unsupported  by  military  might,  is,  they  assert,  an 
iridescent  dream ;  it  may  span  the  heavens  like  a  rainbow, 
but  it  is  absolutely  without  substance  or  practical  value. 

The  arguments,  however,  of  military  pacifists  disclose  amaz- 
ing ignorance  of  the  positions,  contentions  and  proposals  of 
juridical  pacifists.  They  regard  all  pacifists  as  indifferent  to 
justice,  as  demanding  peace- at-any -price,  as  Tolstoian,  de- 
manding disarmament  and  complete  non-resistance.  Having 
set  up  their  man  of  straw  they  proceed  to  knock  him  down  and 
dismember  him,  which  is  of  course  an  easy  thing  to  do,  seeing 
they  have  put  him  together  for  that  purpose. 

The  juridical  pacifist,  however,  takes  no  such  optimistic 
view  of  human  nature  and  of  the  establishment  of  world-peace 


The  Peace  Movement  37 

as  is  alleged.  He  is  by  no  means  a  peace-at-any-price  man. 
He  has  no  less  regard  for  righteousness  and  justice  than  the 
militarist.  Pacifists  are  not  ignorant  of  the  pagan  selfishness 
of  states  and  nations,  nor  do  they  misunderstand  the  problem 
before  them.  They  see  clearly  that  the  world  can  take  only 
one  step  at  a  time,  and  they  seek  to  help  it  take  the  next  im- 
portant step  toward  peace,  which  is  mutual  acquaintance  of 
nations  and  peoples  and  the  establishment  of  suitable  judicial 
machinery  for  the  attainment  of  justice  and  thereby  the  settle- 
ment of  difficulties  between  nations  that  desire  to  settle  difficul- 
ties in  that  way. 

That  world-peace  will  never  be  established  merely  by  arbitra- 
tion treaties  and  Hague  tribunals,  juridical  pacifists  see  no  less 
clearly  than  militarists.  Vast  changes  must  first  take  place 
in  the  moral  sentiment  of  peoples,  in  their  national  ambitions, 
and  in  their  sense  of  right  toward  alien  peoples  and  races  and 
their  treatment  of  them.  None  will  acknowledge  more  readily 
than  juridical  pacifists  the  insufficiency  of  mere  judicial  ma- 
chinery. 

And  on  the  other  hand,  must  we  not  agree  with  pacifists 
who  insist  that  world-peace  can  never  be  established  by  sheer 
might?  Military  pacifists  who  think  that  mighty  armaments 
will  insure  peace  are  in  reality  as  unpractical  as  ultra  peace- 
at-any-price  pacifists.  Militarism  in  rival  countries  inevitably 
evokes  fear,  jealousy,  suspicion,  and  all  the  vast  range  of 
animosities  and  hatreds.  However  just  each  country  intends 
to  be,  it  will  resort  to  spies  and  subterfuges  to  discover  the 
military  preparations  of  neighbors.  Each  will  gradually  be- 
come convinced  of  treacherous  plans  on  the  part  of  others 
which  will  lead  to  fresh  stratagems  and  finally  to  conflict. 
Conflict  may  indeed  decide  for  a  period  which  nation  is  the 
stronger,  but  it  can  settle  no  question  of  right  and  produce  no 
feelings  of  mutual  good-will.  The  exclusive  program  of  mili- 
tary pacifists,  therefore,  sincere  though  it  unquestionably  is, 
will  nevertheless  saddle  increasing  militarism  on  the  nations. 
East  and  West,  Far  East  and  Far  West.     Vast  alliances  will 


38  The  Fight  for  Peace 

be  formed  and  reformed.  Every  independent  political  unit 
will  seek  safety  by  war  preparations  and  armaments  and  forti- 
fications, by  intrigues,  spies  and  lies;  by  every  discoverable 
device.  World-militarism  will  thus  grow  from  more  to  more, 
till  the  weight  can  no  longer  be  borne.  Then  will  come  a 
world-tragedy,  and  world-exhaustion,  with  realignment  and 
new  political  combinations.  Centuries  may  intervene  between 
successive  world-tragedies.  But  so  long  as  militaristic  philos- 
ophy and  pagan  practice  as  to  international  and  interracial 
relations  prevail,  world-tragedies  will  occur  in  the  future  as 
they  have  occurred  in  the  past,  ever  larger  and  more  frightful. 
Nations,  races,  civilizations  will  rise  and  flourish,  only  to  decay 
and  be  overthrown  by  younger  and  more  virile  peoples  and 
civilizations. 

Is  it  not  evident  then  that  neither  school  of  pacificism  pro- 
vides a  complete  method  for  establishing  world-peace  ?  Neither 
deals  with  the  fundamental  causes  of  war ;  namely,  selfish  am- 
bitions and  passions.  Each  school,  however,  has  its  measure 
of  truth.     These  the  practical  pacifist  should  see  and  accept. 

In  his  famous  series  of  articles  on  **  What  America  should 
Learn  from  the  War  "  Colonel  Roosevelt  exalts  the  *'  Peace  of 
Righteousness."  "We  must  insist  on  righteousness  first  and 
foremost.  We  must  strive  for  peace  always,  but  we  must  never 
hesitate  to  put  righteousness  above  peace."  He  imagines  that 
those  who  advocate  peace  are  indifferent  to  righteousness  and  he 
fails  to  see  that  the  very  gist  of  their  proposals  concerns  the 
methods  of  securing  justice  and  honor  for  both  sides. 

No  American  juridical  peace  advocate  stands  more  promi- 
nently before  the  American  public  than  Mr,  Elihu  Root.  A 
few  quotations  from  his  address  of  February  26,  1909,  on  the 
Causes  of  War  will  show  his  insistence  on  injustice  between 
nations  as  the  cause  of  war  and  justice  as  the  only  foundation 
for  world-peace. 

**  Peace  can  never  be  except  as  it  is  founded  upon  justice. 
.  .  .  If  we  would  have  peace,  it  is  not  enough  to  cry 
*  Peace,  Peace  ! '  "     It  is  essential  that  we  should  promote  and 


The  Peace  Movement  39 

insist  upon  the  willingness  of  our  country  to  do  justice  to  all 
countries  of  the  earth.  "  By  far  the  greatest  cause  of  war  is 
that  suspicion  of  injustice,  threatened  and  intended,  which 
comes  from  exasperated  feeling.  .  .  .  Questions  which  can 
be  disposed  of  without  the  slightest  difficulty  between  countries 
really  friendly  are  insoluble  between  countries  really  unfriendly." 

The  main  difference  then  between  juridical  and  military 
pacifists  is  one  of  emphasis  and  spirit.  Both  alike  believe  in 
justice  and  righteousness.  Both  agree  that  no  real  or  lasting 
peace  is  possible  without  these.  They  differ  as  to  the  emphasis 
placed  upon  the  means  of  securing  it.  The  former  emphasize 
the  use  of  reason  expressed  through  international  promises, 
tribunals  and  laws.  The  latter  emphasize  the  need  of  our 
might  to  enforce  our  right.  Both,  however,  put  forward 
practically  the  same  proposition  when  it  comes  to  the  concrete 
question  as  to  how  the  nations  are  to  be  organically  interrelated 
for  world-peace.  Both  would  establish  an  * '  International  League 
of  Peace."  This  is  now  the  method  widely  favored  by  all 
classes  of  thinkers. 

It  is,  however,  no  new  thought.  It  was  suggested,  to  go  no 
further  back,  by  Alfred  Tennyson  who  taught  us  to  look  for- 
ward to  the  glorious  time  when  war  drums  shall  throb  no  longer 
and  all  battle  flags  be  furled, 

"  In  the  Parliament  of  man. 
The  Federation  of  the  World." 

Books  have  been  written  on  how  this  may  be  achieved.  In 
his  volume  on  the  "Federation  of  the  World"  (1907)  Mr. 
Trueblood  enlarges  on  the  *'  United  States  of  the  World."  In 
"The  United  States  and  Peace  "  (1914)  Ex-President  William 
H.  Taft  "  elucidates  the  history  and  conception  of  a  court  of 
judicial  arbitration." 

This  vision  of  world-peace  through  federations  of  nations 
finds  frequent  recent  expression.  Mr.  Andrew  Carnegie  ex- 
pounds it  in  his  first  written  statement  relative  to  the  European 
tragedy  {The  New   York  Independent ,  October   14,    1914). 


4©  The  Fight  for  Peace 

Viscount  James   Bryce  speaks  of  it  in  his  article  on  Pan- 
Germanism.     He  hesitates  not  to  say  that 

"  No  scheme  for  preventing  future  wars  will  have  any  chance 
of  success  unless  it  rests  upon  the  assurance  that  the  States  which 
enter  it  will  loyally  and  steadfastly  abide  by  it  and  that  each  will 
join  in  coercing  by  their  overwhelming  united  strength  any  State 
which  may  disregard  the  obligations  it  has  undertaken." 

Colonel  Roosevelt  had  quite  independently  put  forward  the 
same  proposition,  and,  after  quoting  the  above  sentence,  adds, 
<'  This  is  almost  exactly  what  I  have  said." 

In  the  Independent  for  September  28,  1914,  Mr.  Hamilton 
Holt  urges  a  "League  of  Peace."  It  will  rest  upon  five 
principles : 

"  First,  The  nations  of  the  League  shall  mutually  agree  to  respect 
the  territory  and  sovereignty  of  each  other. 

"  Second,  All  questions  that  cannot  be  settled  by  diplomacy  shall 
be  arbitrated. 

**  Third,  The  nations  of  the  League  shall  provide  a  periodical 
assembly  to  make  all  rules  to  become  law  unless  vetoed  by  a  nation 
within  a  stated  period. 

"  Fourth,  The  nations  shall  disarm  to  the  point  where  the  com- 
bined forces  of  the  League  shall  be  a  certain  per  cent,  higher  than 
those  of  the  most  heavily  armed  nation  or  alliance  outside  the 
League.  Detailed  rules  for  this  pro  rata  disarmament  shall  be 
formulated  by  the  Assembly. 

**  Fifth,  Any  member  of  the  League  shall  have  the  right  to  with- 
draw on  due  notice,  or  may  be  expelled  by  the  unanimous  vote  of 
the  others." 

Here  then  we  have  ardent  "pacifists  "  and  ardent  "milita- 
rists "  making  substantially  the  same  proposals.  Do  not  these 
proposals,  however,  really  seek  to  combine  the  fundamental 
contentions  of  both  ?  Do  not  both  provide,  on  the  one  hand, 
for  compacts  and  rules  of  procedure  for  securing  justice,  and,  on 
the  other,  for  military  might  with  which  to  enforce  judgment  ? 

Ought  it  not  then  to  be  possible  to  bring  these  two  schools  of 
pacifists  together  and  find  a  program  upon  which  both  can 
work  harmoniously  ? 


The  Peace  Movement  41 

Examination,  however,  of  these  and  of  all  kindred  proposals 
reveals  the  fact  that  relatively  little  consideration  is  given  to  the 
problem  as  to  how  the  mighty  selfish  passions  and  ambitions 
and  prejudices  of  nations  and  races  are  to  be  met.  It  seems  to 
be  assumed  that  so  long  as  these  passions  express  themselves 
through  the  recognized  channels  allowed  by  the  laws  they  need 
not  be  considered ;  when  they  exceed  the  methods  so  allowed, 
the  only  way  to  meet  them  is  by  force.  The  question  is  not 
raised  as  to  whether  there  is  any  method  for  allaying  them. 

Is  not  this,  however,  the  most  fundamental  and  important 
question  of  all  ?  Is  it  conceivable  that  the  peoples  of  Europe 
can  possibly  establish  a  Peace  League  among  themselves  when 
this  war  is  over,  unless  in  some  way  frightful  wounds  are  healed 
and  hideous  hatreds  are  eradicated  and  the  reconciled  peoples 
learn  to  trust  and  appreciate  each  other  ? 

And  is  it  conceivable  that  a  Peace  League  can  include 
Europeans,  Americans,  North  and  South,  Asiatics  and  Africans, 
Mohammedans,  Christians  and  Hindus,  so  long  as  these  diverse 
peoples  and  religions  hold  toward  one  another  the  opinions  and 
feelings  they  now  hold  ? 

In  what  way,  however,  are  mutual  kindly  feelings  and  trust 
in  each  other  on  the  part  of  nations  and  races  to  be  evoked  ? 
These  are  preliminary  steps  of  the  utmost  importance  to  a  last- 
ing world-peace.  Is  it  not  self-evident  then  that  whatever  the 
practicable  method  for  establishing  world-peace  may  be,  it  must 
concern  itself  with  more  than  either  machinery  or  force  ?  Must 
it  not  also  take  into  account  the  ambitions,  passions  and  prej- 
udices of  nations  ? 

Such  being  the  case,  however,  is  not  world-peace  a  hopeless 
vision  ?  Is  it  possible  to  change  the  feelings  and  prejudices, 
the  ambitions  and  passions  of  entire  nations  ?  Are  not  national 
feelings  exactly  those  features  of  human  nature  that  are  beyond 
the  rule  of  reason  and  therefore  beyond  control  ? 

Many  indeed  so  argue.  But  the  facts  are  against  them. 
Japan's  emotional  attitude  to  the  white  man,  and  especially  to 
America,  underwent  an  amazing  change  in  the  eighth  decade  of 


42  The  Fight  for  Peace 

V 

the  last  century.  China's  friendly  attitude  to  us  to-day  is  one 
of  the  miracles  of  history.  An  emotional  transformation  of  a 
people  is  in  fact  far  easier  than  is  usually  believed.  Such 
transformations  may  take  place  with  amazing  speed. 

Here  we  come  upon  the  special  contribution  to  the  peace 
cause  that  religion,  especially  the  Christian  religion,  has  to 
make,  and  that  religion  alone  can  make.  If  Christianity  can 
teach  the  nations  to  take  seriously  its  fundamental  teaching 
that  God  is  the  loving  Father  of  all  men,  and  that  they  are  all 
equally  His  children,  and  therefore  brothers,  the  problems  of 
world-peace  can  be  solved.  When  men  love  one  another  most 
difficulties  between  them  disappear.  And  any  difficulties 
intrinsic  in  the  situation  can  be  solved.  By  continued  experi- 
ment, social  and  judicial  machinery  can  finally  be  found  that 
will  meet  the  needs,  provided  only  that  all  the  parties  con- 
cerned desire  to  have  justice  done  and  good-will  prevail.  Now 
the  universal  cultivation  of  this  spirit  is  the  special  function  of 
the  Church.  And  exactly  this  is  the  essential  spiritual  founda- 
tion upon  which  the  Peace  Movement  must  build.  The  move- 
ment can  advance  only  as  this  spirit  is  developed  throughout 
the  nations.  "  The  Peace  Movement  must  build  its  political 
structure  on  the  moral  character  in  individual  and  state,  created 
by  such  moral  agencies  as  Church  and  school." 

In  view  of  all  these  facts  and  considerations,  let  not  peace 
advocates  lose  hope.  Let  them  rather  take  wide  views  and  en- 
large their  plans.  Let  them  realize  that  great  progress  toward 
world-peace  has  been  made  in  recent  decades.  The  conscience 
of  the  world  and  even  of  most  nations  no  longer  sanctions 
frankly  aggressive  wars.  In  the  present  European  conflict  the 
people  of  each  nation  had  to  be  convinced  that  its  own  part  was 
honorable,  that  it  was  called  to  battle  in  self-defense  or  for 
defense  of  the  weak.  Only  so  could  they  be  led  into  the  con- 
flict. War  lords  no  longer  rule  without  regard  to  the  convic- 
tions and  consciences  of  the  people.  Each  nation,  moreover, 
seeks  the  moral  approval  of  the  world. 

The  Peace  Movement,  however,  needs  to  be  deepened  and 


The  Peace  Movement  43 

strengthened.  So-called  pacifists  and  militarists  recognize  and 
admit  the  truth  held  by  the  other.  Judicial  machinery  for 
settlement  of  international  differences  and  elimination  of  fric- 
tion is  beyond  question  of  the  highest  value.  Peace  Leagues 
are  surely  needed.  Let  these  movements  go  forward  as  rapidly 
and  widely  as  possible. 

But  let  us  remember  that  not  every  people  is  willing  as  yet  to 
maintain  the  status  quo.  Especially  do  peoples  that  feel  un- 
justly treated,  and  those  that  have  been  conquered  in  decades 
or  centuries  past,  insist  on  recovery  of  rights.  There  come 
times  also  in  the  history  of  peoples  when  they  are  hypnotized 
and  misled  by  ambitious  individuals  and  cliques.  They  be- 
come entirely  indifferent  to  the  control  of  "reason."  These 
conditions  compel  those  that  love  peace,  nevertheless,  to  main- 
tain armaments. 

What  the  world  now  needs,  if  world-peace  is  to  be  secured,  is 
a  pacifist  policy  that  cordially  approves  on  the  one  hand  all  ef- 
forts to  construct  practical  machinery  for  relating  nations,  peo- 
ples and  races,  in  ways  that  will  remove  frictions  and  diminish 
passions ;  that  approves  with  equal  cordiality  on  the  other  hand 
the  maintenance  of  armaments  for  defensive  purposes ;  and  that 
provides  in  the  third  place  a  constructive  program  for  produc- 
ing positive  international  and  interracial  good-will^  changing 
the  inner  selfish  spirit  of  peoples,  dispelling  their  suspicions  and 
fears,  banishing  race  prejudice  and  class  arrogance,  evoking 
mutual  confidence,  and  persuading  ruling  classes  to  share  that 
rule. 

In  brief,  we  must  combine  the  principles  of  juridical,  of 
military,  and  of  Christian  pacifism.  Since  the  principles  and 
proposals  of  the  two  former  schools  have  been  clearly  expounded 
in  recent  literature,  no  further  attention  will  be  paid  to  them  in 
this  volume.  The  application,  however,  of  Christian  principles 
to  international  relations  as  a  practical  method  for  establishing 
world- peace  has  received  as  yet  surprisingly  little  attention. 
This  is  the  special  theme  of  our  present  study. 


IV 

THE  IDEALS  AND  THE  PRACTICE  OF  THE 
CHURCHES  IN  REGARD  TO  INTERNA- 
TIONAL PEACE 

THE  ideal  of  Christianity  is  universal  peace.  Chris- 
tian Scriptures  are  read  each  Sabbath  Day  in  every 
church  in  Christendom.  Christians  profess  that 
Jesus  is  their  Lord  and  Master.  The  church  or- 
ganization exists  to  propagate  the  Christian  faith  and  to  provide 
for  the  observance  by  Christians  of  all  that  is  essential  in  the 
Christian  religion. 

In  spite  of  these  facts,  millions  of  professed  Christians  are 
fighting.  They  are  Christians  not  only  in  their  own  belief,  but 
also  in  that  of  the  country  for  which  they  fight.  The  churches 
of  each  nation  have  sent  the  armies  to  the  front  with  their  bene- 
dictions. Each  nation,  moreover,  is  praying  for  victory  to  the 
God  in  whom  it  professes  to  believe,  and  whose  commands  it 
professes  to  obey.  Not  only'have  the  churches  of  the  nations 
at  war  taken  no  active  steps  to  stop  war  preparations ;  they  have 
not  as  churches  taken  any  particular  interest  in  the  Peace 
Movement. 

How  may  we  explain  this  paradox,  this  contrast  of  profes- 
sions and  practice,  of  ideals  and  deeds  ?  Six  characteristics 
of  Christianity  unite,  it  seems  to  me,  to  produce  and  thus  to 
account  for  this  paradox. 

I.  The  Inadequate  Interpretation  of  Salvation. — 
For  centuries  the  Church  has  regarded  salvation  as  chiefly  a 
matter  of  individual  escape  from  hell  and  assurance  of  heaven. 
Roman  Catholic  and  Protestant,  as  well  as  Greek  orthodoxy, 
all  agreed  on  this  point,  differ  though  they  might  as  to  the 
eflFective  means  of  salvation.     All  agreed  that  religion  consists 

44 


Ideals  and  Practice  of  the  Churches         45 

in  the  religious  experiences  of  the  individual  and  in  his  per- 
sonal relation  to  God.  It  is  seldom  that  Christians  asserted 
that  the  relations  of  men  in  groups,  and  especially  the  relations 
of  races  and  nations,  are  likewise  included  in  the  teachings  of 
Jesus  as  to  salvation  and  its  results,  and  His  fundamental  law 
of  love  to  man,  that  men  should  love  one  another. 

Our  modern  problems  of  labor  and  capital  are  in  part  due  to 
this  same  individualistic  interpretation  of  salvation  and  duty. 

2.  The  Disproportionate  Emphasis  on  the  Intel- 
lectual and  Ecclesiastical  Aspects  of  Christianity. — 
Throughout  the  centuries,  moreover.  Christian  teachers  have 
been  predominantly  interested  in  doctrine,  in  correct  logical 
systems  of  Christian  philosophy,  and  in  ecclesiastical  organi- 
zation. The  results  at  times  have  been  weakening  to  vital 
Christianity.  The  tests  to  determine  whether  or  not  individ- 
uals should  be  regarded  as  Christians  have  been  saddening, 
formal  rather  than  vital.  Membership  in  a  specific  organiza- 
tion, performance  of  certain  rituals,  baptism,  confessions,  par- 
ticipation in  the  Eucharist,  formal  acknowledgment  of  certain 
creeds,  ability  or  willingness  to  avow  certain  beliefs,  and  the 
like,  frequently  have  been  made  the  tests  as  to  whether  or  not 
a  man  was  to  be  regarded  as  a  Christian.  How  out  of  har- 
mony this  seems  with  the  words  of  Jesus  !  "  Not  every  one 
that  saith  unto  me.  Lord,  Lord,  shall  enter  into  the  Kingdom 
of  Heaven,  but  he  that  doeth  the  will  of  ray  Father." 

3.  Imperfect  Conceptions  of  the  Kingdom  of  God. — 
The  outstanding  constructive  feature  in  the  teaching  of  Jesus 
is  that  of  the  Kingdom  of  God.  By  this  striking  phrase  He 
meant  the  organic  relation  of  all  men  to  each  other  and  to 
God  in  righteousness,  good-will  and  love.  But  what  has  the 
Church  done  with  it  ?  Has  she  not  completely  failed  to  under- 
stand what  Jesus  meant  ?  In  place  of  His  ideal  of  the  Kingdom 
has  not  the  Church  set  up  its  very  opposite — rule  by  authority 
and  even  by  force  ?  And  even  now  churches,  which  denounce 
control  of  the  state  by  the  Church  and  resent  the  control  of  the 
Church  by  the  state,  nevertheless  think  that  they  promote  their 


46  The  Fight  for  Peace 

own  spiritual  welfare  by  ecclesiastical  authority  and  intricate 
machinery.  Modem  church  politics  may  be  one  aspect  of  a 
perverted  conception  of  the  teaching  of  Jesus  as  to  the  King- 
dom of  God. 

The  real  Kingdom  of  God  is  established  neither  by  force  nor  by 
fraud,  nor  by  ecclesiastical  machinery.  It  comes  only  by  know- 
ing, loving  and  living  the  will  of  God  in  its  fullness ;  and  this 
involves,  first  of  all,  right  feelings.  And  these  feelings  must 
include,  not  only  one's  own  clique,  sect,  class  or  race,  but 
every  class  and  every  race.  '*  If  ye  love  them  that  love  you, 
.     .     .     do  not  even  the  Gentiles  the  same  ?  " 

The  Kingdom  of  God,  however,  does  not  imply  an  un- 
organized society.  As  a  Kingdom  it  involves  rather  ever 
growing  organization.  Yet  the  organization  of  society  must 
be  of  such  a  nature  and  ruled  by  such  principles  that  the  high- 
est interests  of  the  individual  are  provided  for.  And  every 
nation  and  race  must  be  included.  If  love  is  the  ruling  prin- 
ciple, then  right  methods  can  easily  be  found  for  relating  the 
individuals  and  classes  and  races  of  even  the  most  complex 
society.  Justice  and  opportunity  can  be  provided  for  all  of 
every  class  and  race.  Exactly  this  is  included  in  the  Kingdom 
of  God. 

4.  Incomplete  Realization  of  the  Brotherhood  of 
Man. — Next  to  the  revelation  of  God  as  a  loving  heavenly 
Father,  the  most  important  insight  of  the  Apostolic  Church  was 
that  of  the  brotherhood  of  all  men  in  Christ.  This  new  teach- 
ing was  not  easily  won  nor  easily  held.  It  was  not  an  abstract 
theoretical  teaching.  It  came  as  a  direct  revelation  from 
heaven.  It  ran  counter  to  centuries  of  Jewish  teachings  and 
feelings.  The  records  of  the  Apostolic  age — the  so-called  Acts 
of  the  Apostles — devote  chapters  to  a  narrative  of  the  wonder- 
ful ways  whereby  the  narrow  Jewish  Apostolic  Church  was  led 
to  break  over  the  conventional  exclusiveness  of  the  ages,  and 
to  accept  men  of  every  race  as  brothers,  recipients  equally  with 
themselves  of  God's  grace  and  love  and  obedient  like  them- 
selves to  His  Spirit.     They  went  to  the  full  limit  of  social 


Ideals  and  Practice  of  the  Churches  47 

intercourse ;  they  actually  ate  with  Samaritans  whom  they 
had  hated  and  with  Gentiles  whom  they  had  despised,  having 
learned  to  love  and  respect  them. 

Paul  was  profoundly  impressed  with  the  importance  of  the 
new  revelation,  first  given  to  Peter,  and  first  widely  proclaimed 
and  practiced  by  himself.  He  speaks  of  it  as  the  mystery 
which  for  ages  had  been  hid  in  God.  It  came  as  a  tremendous 
flood  of  light  on  the  problem  of  the  races ;  in  God's  plans  for 
mankind  every  race  has  its  place ;  all  are  co-heirs  in  the  King- 
dom, fellow-members  of  the  body,  and  fellow-partakers  of  the 
promise.  The  Jews  without  the  Gentiles  would  be  incomplete. 
In  God's  great  purposes  each  race  not  only  has  its  place,  but 
its  part  to  take,  its  work  to  do ;  none  can  be  complete  without 
the  rest. 

The  Apostolic  Church  well-nigh  made  shipwreck  on  the  rock 
of  racial  antipathy.  Proud  Jews  resented  the  disgrace  of  be- 
ing put  on  the  same  level  with  Gentiles  and  refused  to  accept 
"dogs"  in  social  relations.  But  those  who  became  Christians 
learned  that  God  is  no  respecter  of  persons  nor  of  races ;  that 
the  true  children  of  Abraham  are  they  who  share  his  spirit ; 
that  the  physiological  ancestry  of  a  man's  family  counts  for 
nothing  in  making  him  acceptable  with  God. 

Only  that  portion  of  the  early  Church  which  learned  the 
lesson  of  race  equality  was  used  of  God  for  the  establishment 
of  the  Church  universal.  A  Christianity  insisting  on  race  pre- 
eminence was  in  so  far  no  longer  Christian. 

The  modern  Christian  Church  is  met  by  the  same  issues  that 
confronted  the  Apostolic  Church.  **  What  think  ye  of  heathen 
races  "  is  the  question  now  confronting  us.  Will  Christians 
treat  them  as  equals  or  as  inferiors  ?  Does  not  the  modern 
Church  as  a  whole  contend  that  God  has  elected  the  white  race 
to  rule  the  world  ?  That  the  white  man  is  superior  and  all 
other  races  are  inherently  inferior  ?  Does  the  modem  Church 
insist  on  giving  men  of  alien  races  among  us  the  square  deal  ? 
Do  we  see  to  it  that  justice  is  done  to  Japanese  and  Chinese 
and  Hindus  residing  in  this  land  of  liberty  and  hope  and  that 


48  The  Fight  for  Peace 

our  treaty  obligations  are  kept  ?  If  we  fail  in  these  respects 
are  we  practicing  the  principles  of  universal  brotherhood  ? 
Can  we  properly  claim  to  be  Christian  ? 

Because  of  the  new  contact  of  the  races,  a  new  testing  has 
come  to  the  churches  on  this  ancient  problem.  If  modern 
Christians  take  the  old  Jewish  attitude  of  race  superiority  and 
privilege,  have  they  not  abrogated  the  unique  character  of 
Christianity  and  fallen  back  in  their  religion  to  the  status  of  a 
tribal  faith  ?  And  with  this  attitude  is  world-peace  possible  ? 
Does  any  one  suppose  that  other  races  will  always  meekly  ac- 
cept the  inferior  status  we  assign  them  ?  Can  a  Christianity 
that  proclaims  white  race  superiority  establish  world-peace? 
Is  it  not  clear  that  such  a  relation  can  be  maintained  only  by 
militarism? 

Modern  Christianity  is  in  truth  being  tested  afresh.  It  has 
lost  the  apostolic  conviction  and  practice  of  race  equality  and 
is  in  danger  thereby  of  losing  its  soul.  The  theoretical  limita- 
tions prevent  universal  acceptance  and  develop  provincialism. 

5.  Failure  to  Practice  Love  of  Enemies. — ^Jesus 
taught  nothing  more  original  than  the  duty  of  His  disciples  to 
love  their  enemies,  to  pray  for  them  and  to  do  them  good. 
And  this  remarkable  teaching  He  Himself  practiced.  The 
early  disciples  of  Jesus  caught  His  spirit  and  followed  His  ex- 
ample to  a  degree  truly  amazing.  Christian  conduct  con- 
founded heathen  critics  who  criticized  the  Christians  for  their 
unreasonable  love  for  aliens. 

This,  more  than  all  else,  however,  was  the  power  that  con- 
quered. It  won  men's  hearts.  It  convinced  them  of  the 
sincerity  of  apostolic  teaching  and  of  the  abiding  presence  and 
power  of  Christ,  even  though  He  had  vanished  from  human 
sight.  For  to  love  one's  friends,  splendid  though  it  be,  is 
human.  Do  not  even  the  Gentiles  the  same?  But  to  love 
one's  enemies — those  who  hate  and  seek  to  harm — that  is 
divine.  Only  divine  power  living  in  human  hearts  can  restrain 
the  natural  desires  for  revenge,  and  in  their  place  make  love 
supreme.     Only  love  like  that  of  Jesus  can  enable  the  disciple 


Ideals  and  Practice  of  the  Churches  49 

to  enter  into  the  world-redeeming  work  of  Jesus  and  make 
effective  His  atoning  life  and  death. 

But  where  in  modern  Christendom  do  we  find  in  practice 
this  love  of  enemies?  Where  is  it  systematically  taught? 
What  churches  insist  upon  it  as  an  essential  condition  of  mem- 
bership ?  Not  only  do  Christians  not  love  their  enemies,  they 
do  not  always  love  one  another !  For  centuries  different 
branches  of  the  Church  have  regarded  each  other  as  foes. 
Where  active  persecutions  have  not  been  indulged  in,  have 
they  not  too  often  hated  each  other  with  perfect  hatred  ?  How 
recent  is  the  time  that  Protestant  denominations  have  con- 
demned each  the  other,  and  regarded  each  other  as  rivals  and 
foes,  as  perverters  of  truth  and  deceivers  of  the  people  ! 

We  may  rejoice  that  between  many  Protestant  bodies  this 
animosity  has  largely  passed  away.  But  even  to-day,  where  is 
the  love  of  Christ  that  loves  enemies  ?  You  point  to  foreign 
missions.  Yes,  that  is  a  bright  spot  in  modern  Christianity. 
But  how  large  a  part  of  the  Church  universal  is  interested  in 
foreign  missions  ?  How  many  Christians  take  any  share  what- 
ever in  supporting  them?  How  many  really  love  those 
"  heathen  "  across  the  seas,  or  do  anything  for  them  that  even 
appears  like  self-sacrifice,  like  the  suffering  unselfish  love  that 
Christ  demands  of  disciples?  In  1913  Great  Britain  expended 
over  three  pounds  (fifteen  dollars)  per  individual  for  alcoholic 
drink,  whereas  its  total  gifts  for  foreign  missions  were  barely 
three  shillings  (seventy-five  cents)  per  individual.  The  United 
States  spends  fifty  millions  for  chewing  gum  and  seventeen  mil- 
lions for  missions. 

Except  for  an  influential  minority,  must  we  not  acknowledge 
that  modern  Christians  lack  the  practice  of  the  most  important 
and  the  most  characteristic  feature  of  the  original  Christianity  ? 

In  brief,  is  modern  Christianity  as  a  whole  effectively  Chris- 
tian? Does  it  not  misunderstand  Christ's  most  important 
teachings  and  fail  to  practice  His  most  urgent  commands? 
Modern  Christianity,  no  less  than  mediaeval,  takes  the  Chris- 
tian name  but  lacks  the  Christian  power.     It  is  largely  satis- 


5©  The  Fight  for  Peace 

fied  with  organizations,  rituals,  doctrines,  and  mystic  experi- 
ences. It  does  many  harmless  and  some  good  things,  and  it 
teaches  some  truth.  But  does  it  not  merit  the  verdict  of  the 
Master  it  professes  to  follow,  "These  things  ought  ye  to  have 
done  and  not  to  have  left  the  other  undone  "  ?  Do  we  not  fall 
under  the  condemnation  pronounced  on  those  who  merely  say 
"  Lord,  Lord  "  but  do  not  in  fact  obey  His  commands  ? 

6.  Denominationalism. — Since  the  Reformation,  a  nota- 
ble feature  of  Christianity  has  been  its  organic  divisions  and 
subdivisions.  Sects  and  denominations  have  arisen  and  flour- 
ished. Each  no  doubt  has  had  its  special  justification.  The 
divisions,  nevertheless,  have  promoted  misunderstandings, 
antipathies,  jealousies,  and  rivalries.  Sects  have  too  often 
combated  each  other.  But  apart  from  questions  as  to  their 
justification  or  the  good  and  the  evil  they  have  done,  this 
surely  will  be  admitted  by  all.  Each  denomination,  exactly 
because  it  is  a  denomination,  fails  to  feel  responsibility  for  the 
right  conduct  of  the  nation  in  international  affairs. 

If  treaties  are  transgressed,  as  are  at  present  our  treaties 
with  China  and  Japan,  how  many  churches  know  it  ?  Even 
if  they  know  it,  how  many  protest  or  take  any  action  to  secure 
national  observance  of  treaty  pledges  ?  It  must  be  admitted 
that  as  a  whole  the  churches  do  not  concern  themselves  with 
the  moral  responsibilities  of  international  life.  This  means  that 
our  international  activities  are  left  in  the  hands  of  men  who 
may  or  may  not  be  Christians ;  but  even  if  Christians  they  do 
not  have  the  support  of  the  churches  in  carrying  out  Christian 
international  policies.  The  selfish  aggressive  interests  of  our 
country  are,  therefore,  relatively  free  to  manipulate  our  inter- 
national policies,  unhindered  by  Christian  forces. 

At  some  crisis  our  churches  may  come  for  a  brief  period  to 
national  self-consciousness,  have  a  spasm  or  two  of  inter- 
national thought,  and  make  a  few  demands  of  the  politicians ; 
but  they  soon  relapse  into  indifference,  engrossed  in  local  and 
ecclesiastical  interests. 

Our  national  and  local  governments  are  too  largely  manip- 


Ideals  and  Practice  of  the  Churches  51 

ulated  by  scheming,  selfish,  aggressive  interests.  No  single 
denomination  feels  adequately  or  can  so  feel  the  responsibility 
for  making  politics  Christian.  The  churches,  because  of  their 
divisions,  fail  to  cooperate.  Because  they  are  denominations 
they  do  not  see  the  problem  as  a  whole  or  recognize  their  in- 
dividual responsibilities. 

Not  until  this  situation  is  remedied  and  the  various  denomina- 
tions find  some  way  of  establishing  a  corporate  life  of  the 
Church  as  a  whole,  can  we  expect  the  Church  to  play  an  effect- 
ive part  in  producing  either  pure  politics  at  home,  or  in 
establishing  righteous  and  Christian  international  relations. 
But  world-peace  apart  from  these  is  impossible.  For  so  long  as 
politics  and  policies,  national  and  international,  are  left  to  men 
whose  primary  interests  are  selfish,  the  establishment  of  the 
Kingdom  of  God  in  the  world  as  a  whole  or  even  in  our  own 
land  is  impracticable.  Only  as  Christians  in  organized  coopera- 
tion assert  their  principles  and  their  power,  which  is  so  easily 
possible  in  democratic  America,  shall  we  begin  to  establish 
world-peace. 

But  the  criticism  of  the  Church  briefly  presented  in  the  pre- 
ceding paragraphs  gives  only  one  aspect  of  the  question.  A 
static  view  of  a  great  movement  fails  to  show  the  real  truth  in 
regard  to  it  exactly  because  it  omits  the  element  of  movement, 
of  progress.  Christianity  has  been  growing  throughout  the 
centuries,  and  particularly  in  recent  decades.  We  know  more 
about  Jesus  to-day  and  have  more  of  His  spirit  than  any  gen- 
eration of  Christians  since  the  second  century.  The  defects 
pointed  out,  moreover,  are  now  widely  recognized.  We  begin 
to  see  that  men's  thinking  even  about  Christianity  is  profoundly 
affected  by  the  rest  of  their  thinking. 

In  an  age  when  all  political,  social  and  ethical  thought  was 
individualistic,  it  was  inevitable  that  Christian  thought  and 
practice  also  should  be  individualistic.  The  very  nature  of 
man's  psychic  life  rendered  it  unavoidable  that  intellectual 
emphasis  and  ecclesiastical  organization  should  loom  large  at 


^2  The  Fight  for  Peace 

certain  stages  of  his  development.  Now,  however,  we  are 
passing  out  of  these  stages  and  are  beginning  to  see  their  limi- 
tations and  defects.  While  it  is  well  to  recognize  them  and  to 
point  out  their  relation  to  certain  survivals  in  our  own  times, 
we  should  not  let  the  reaction  blind  our  eyes  to  the  noble 
thoughts  and  deeds  of  those  earlier  stages  of  Christianity. 

What  splendid  men  of  God  the  Church  has  produced  in 
every  age !  How  strong  and  courageous  and  how  conscien- 
tious !  How  earnestly  they  thought  and  reasoned  and  acted  ! 
But  for  them  we  should  not  be  where  we  are  to-day.  In  spite  of 
their  shortcomings,  we  can  but  admire  those  heroes  of  the  faith. 

And  not  in  ancient  times  alone  has  the  Church  raised  up 
noble  men  and  women  of  faith.  Never  has  there  been  so  large 
a  number  of  devoted  and  intelligent  Christians  as  to-day.  They 
are  giving  themselves  with  zeal  to  know  and  to  do  whatever  is 
good  and  true  and  kind.  The  Spirit  of  Jesus  is  abroad  in  the 
world.  Millions  are  asking  for  light.  And  what  is  more,  they 
are  finding  it  and  living  it. 

In  our  modern  emphasis,  moreover,  on  the  application  of 
Christian  principles  to  social  life,  let  us  never  forget  that  the 
salvation  of  the  individual  is  indeed  the  foundation  and  source 
of  every  right  movement  in  society.  Individualism  expresses, 
therefore,  profound  truth  which  we  cannot  afford  to  lose.  So- 
cial emphasis  that  ignores  the  individual  is  perverse  and  blind 
indeed.  The  hope  of  society  lies  in  developed  and  responsible 
individuals.  The  more  organized  society  becomes  the  more 
does  its  welfare  depend  on  developed  and  reliable  individuals. 

Especially  should  we  note  that  great  progress  has  been  made 
in  recent  decades.  Every  denomination  has  its  pioneers ;  each 
shares  in  the  movement ;  all  are  growing  toward  Christ  and 
thus  they  are  getting  closer  together.  The  ranks  of  Christians 
are  closing  up.  Sectarianism  is  waning.  The  duty  and  oppor- 
tunity of  the  churches  in  local  and  national  life  are  becoming 
clear  and  millions  are  responding. 

Foreign  missionary  work,  though  only  a  century  old,  is  a 
mighty  force.     Its  25,000  missionaries  and  thirty  millions  of 


Ideals  and  Practice  of  the  Churches  53 

dollars  raised  annually  from  Protestant  countries  express  a  new 
sense  of  human  brotherhood  and  interracial  good-will.  Its 
reactions  on  the  Church  and  on  Christendom  also  are  perhaps 
as  important  results  of  the  movement  as  its  direct  influence  on 
non-Christian  lands. 

The  churches,  moreover,  have  been  widening  their  thought 
of  and  deepening  their  hold  on  the  teachings  of  Jesus.  They 
see  that  salvation  means  more  than  preparation  for  a  future 
world.  The  teachings  of  Jesus  apply  to  society,  to  its  classes 
of  every  grade.  Every  church  takes  increasing  interest  in  so- 
cial service,  in  making  society  as  a  whole  Christian.  They 
study  and  seek  to  mould  its  economic,  industrial,  commercial, 
and  even  its  political  life.  Demand  for  honesty  and  purity, 
for  unselfishness  and  kindliness  in  every  branch  of  business, 
are  becoming  insistent.  Many,  moreover,  are  exemplifying 
these  ideals  in  actual  life. 

And  now  at  last  are  we  not  all  beginning  to  see  that  the 
principles  of  Jesus  must  be  applied  to  international  life  also? 
That  righteousness  and  honesty,  truthfulness  and  good -will 
apply  to  nations  as  well  as  to  individuals  ?  This  is  the  new 
insight  attained  on  a  large  scale  among  Christians  to-day.  A 
Christian  conscience  on  international  matters  seems  to  be  one 
of  the  products  of  Europe's  tragedy. 

If  this  hasty  survey  of  Christianity  is  at  all  correct,  can  we 
wonder  at  the  apathy  of  the  churches  in  regard  to  world-peace  ? 
Through  its  sectarian  divisions  and  interests  it  has  failed  not 
only  to  do  the  work  we  might  naturally  have  expected  of  it  but 
even  to  feel  its  responsibility  for  that  work. 

But  we  need  not  despair.  It  is  a  great  thing  to  have  pre- 
served intact  through  the  ages  the  teachings  of  Christ.  Many 
individuals,  both  lay  and  clerical,  are  aglow  with  fresh  fire 
from  the  altar  and  many  have  caught  new  visions  of  service 
and  opportunity.  What  is  now  needed  is  that  these  forces 
shall  be  organized.  Our  international  conscience  should  be 
guided  to  concrete  duties  and  be  provided  with  effective  chan- 
nels and  instruments  of  expression. 


54  The  Fight  for  Peace 

For  the  redemption  of  the  world  from  its  sin  and  its  sorrow, 
for  the  reviving  life  wherewith  to  heal  the  disease  of  the  world, 
where  shall  we  look,  whither  shall  we  go,  save  to  the  Christ 
made  known  by  the  Church  ?  Whence  shall  come  the  restor- 
ing energy,  save  from  those  followers  of  Christ  who  to-day  are 
living  the  life  He  alone  makes  possible? 

How  can  world-peace  come  except  through  that  force  which 
changes  the  hearts  of  men  and  nations  ?  Nations  great  and 
strong  must  learn  to  respect  those  that  are  weak  and  small. 
The  lion  must  be  taught  to  lie  down  with  the  lamb.  The 
practical  movement  for  world-peace  must  evoke  such  feelings 
and  establish  such  relations  between  nations  and  races  that 
they  will  no  longer  fear,  hate,  suspect  and  despise  one  another, 
nor  seek  to  gain  selfish  advantage  through  aggression  or  trick- 
ery. Each  will  rejoice  in  the  prosperity  of  the  rest,  and  the 
prosperity  of  each  will  promote  the  prosperity  of  all.  Only 
then  shall  we  see  swords  turned  into  plowshares  and  battle- 
ships into  merchant  marine. 

Whence,  however,  are  these  changes  to  come  unless  it  be 
from  Christ  through  the  Church  ?  And  how  is  the  transform- 
ing force  of  Christ's  spirit  to  be  made  effective  among  the 
peoples  save  by  the  corporate  activity  of  the  churches  ?  This 
does  not  of  necessity  mean  that  the  churches  must  first  effect 
organic  union.  It  does  mean  that  they  shall  by  means  of  some 
kind  of  united  action  put  forth  forces  that  will  regenerate  so- 
ciety and  nations. 


PART   TWO 


Vision — Organization — Education 


What  now  is  to  be  done  ?  What  practical  meas- 
ures may  the  churches  of  America  adopt  for  abolish- 
ing war  and  establishing  world-peace  ?  Our  con- 
structive program  distinguishes  between  measures 
that  are  preparatory  and  those  that  are  positive.  In 
this  section  we  study  the  former.  Three  lines  of 
preparatory  acuvity  are  essential  to  the  inauguration 
and  effective  execution  in  America  of  an  interna- 
tional world-peace  policy. 

We  must  have  fresh  visions. 

We  must  establish  an  effective  church  organiza- 
tion. 

We  must  educate  the  nation. 


VISION  OF  CHRIST'S  CHARACTER  AND 
HIS  GOSPEL 

FRESH  visions,  peace  organization  of  the  churches  and 
peace  education  of  the  youth  are,  however,  but  prepa- 
rations for  that  real  and  constructive   program  of 
Christianity  by  which  alone  true  world-peace  can  be 
established. 

At  present,  as  militarists  assert  and  all  admit,  every  nation 
is  actuated  by  selfishness ;  and  selfishness  is,  moreover,  re- 
garded as  natural  and  inevitable.  International  relations,  from 
the  beginning  of  mankind,  have  been  so  selfish  and  the  conduct 
of  peoples  and  races  has  been  characterized  by  such  brutality, 
with  suffering  incalculable,  that  nearly  every  people  is  sus- 
picious of  every  other.  Jealousy,  hatred,  fear,  and  revenge 
control  more  or  less  consciously  the  attitude  of  each  to  all. 

Permanent  world-peace,  however,  can  come  only  as  these 
feelings  are  overcome  and  good-will  is  established  in  their 
place.  These  animosities,  distrusts,  indignations,  have  been 
evoked  by  positive  deeds.  They  can  be  overcome  only  by 
positive  deeds.  The  way  to  conquer  evil  is  to  do  good. 
*'  Overcome  evil  with  good  "  is  a  universal  principle ;  it  ap- 
plies to  nations  as  well  as  to  individuals.  Our  Christian  ideals 
and  practices  must  now  be  definitely  and  consciously  applied 
to  nations,  to  international  life.  The  Golden  Rule  must  be 
given  universal  application. 

Here,  therefore,  is  the  platform  of  the  Christian  World- 
Peace  Program.  Christians  must  seek  to  establish  the  King- 
dom of  God  on  a  world-wide  scale  through  methods  of  inter- 
national   righteousness    and   helpfulness.     Nations    become 

,  57 


58  The  Fight  for  Peace 

friendly  only  by  doing  deeds  of  good-will  for  each  other. 
Treaties  of  peace  and  arbitration  are  well,  but  they  are  not 
enough.  Promises  not  to  declare  war  until  time  has  elapsed 
for  a  commission  to  investigate  and  report  are  thoroughly 
worth  while.  They  are  not,  however,  adequate  substitutes  for 
active  good-will  and  mutual  confidence.  What  the  world  now 
needs  are  international  actions  that  remove  now  existing  sus- 
picions, distrusts,  animosities,  and  prejudices.  The  following 
chapters  are  devoted  to  concrete  suggestions  as  to  how  the 
Golden  Rule,  the  Christian  principle  of  love,  may  be  applied 
to  specific  cases. 

Clergymen,  priests,  teachers,  and  all  leaders  of  the  churches 
need  first  of  all  to  gain  a  clear  vision  of  the  character  and  the 
purpose  of  Jesus.  We  must  be  mastered  by  His  conception  of 
the  Kingdom  of  God.  We  must  put  the  emphasis  of  religion 
where  Jesus  Himself  put  it,  on  faith  and  resulting  moral  life. 
We  must  adopt  His  motives  and  His  methods  for  establishing 
His  Kingdom.  The  Golden  Rule  must  replace  the  rule  of  gold 
in  the  relations  of  nations. 

If  we  who  are  the  professed  expounders  and  exponents  of 
Christianity  fail  to  understand  or  to  live  the  most  essential 
elements  of  the  Christian  faith,  what  can  we  expect  of  lay 
Christians?  "If  gold  rust,  what  shall  iron  do?"  If  the 
Church  is  to  take  an  important  part  in  establishing  world- 
peace,  the  movement  surely  must  have  its  source  among  the 
clergy.  And  it  can  start  there  only  as  we  see  the  defects  of 
our  emphasis  and  practice  in  relation  to  Christianity  and  the 
nations.  A  new  vision  of  the  Christ  and  of  the  largeness  of 
His  gospel  must  be  our  first  insistence. 

We  must  grasp  the  full  meaning  of  the  Kingdom  of  God. 
We  must  see  it  as  coming  here  and  now  by  the  establishment 
of  right  and  kindly  relations  between  all  classes  of  men  and 
between  nations  and  races.  We  must  see  that  it  excludes  all 
forms  of  special  privilege,  in  politics,  in  business,  in  inter- 
national relations.  The  Kingdom  does  not  consist  in  church- 
going  nor  in  any  ritual  nor  in  any  emotional  experience,  help- 


Vision  of  Christ's  Character  and  His  Gospel     59 

ful  though  these  may  be  for  inspiration  and  spiritual  culture. 
It  consists  in  righteousness  and  justice,  truth  and  good-will 
among  men.  These  relations,  moreover,  we  must  insist,  are 
not  to  be  limited  to  neighbors  and  friends,  but  extend  to  every 
man  of  every  class  and  nation  and  race.  Any  idea  of  a  King- 
dom less  than  this  is  not  the  Kingdom  of  God.  God  has  no 
pet  race  or  class  or  dynasty.  All  men  are  equally  His  children 
and  He  loves  them  all  and  desires  that  all  shall  have  the  fullest 
opportunity  and  the  richest  life  possible. 

We  need  to  catch  some  glimpse  of  the  largeness  of  God's 
plans  for  men  by  recognizing,  as  Paul  did,  the  providence  of 
God  in  creating  so  many  and  so  diverse  races.  The  mystery 
of  the  races  became  clear  to  Paul  when  he  saw  that  no  one  is 
complete  without  the  rest.  While  God  has  no  pet  race.  He 
nevertheless  has  given  to  each  race  some  special  character, 
fitting  it  for  some  special  service  in  the  human  family.  Race 
prejudice  would  fain  have  all  the  "  inferior  "  races  of  mankind 
eliminated,  or  at  least  kept  altogether  at  a  distance.  That 
evidently  is  not  God's  plan.  He  has  better  things  for  us,  a 
richer  life  for  mankind  than  any  race  could  possibly  produce 
alone.  We  need  to  recognize  that  as  each  individual  has  his 
place  and  value  in  society  exactly  because  he  is  an  individual, 
different  from  every  other,  so  each  race  and  nation  can  make 
its  effective  contribution  to  the  life  of  the  whole  only  as  it  is 
different  from  every  other. 

Not  only  should  the  churches  see  this  vision  of  the  signifi- 
cance of  the  races  in  the  Kingdom  of  God,  but  they  should 
impart  it  to  the  world  and  help  the  world  to  give  each  race 
that  opportunity  which  will  enable  it  to  make  its  characteristic 
contribution  to  the  life  of  the  whole. 

We  must  gain,  moreover,  a  vital  grasp  on  the  Christian 
doctrine  of  the  Atonement.  We  must  regard  it  not  only  as 
a  mystery  to  be  appreciated  and  a  doctrine  to  be  believed,  but 
also  as  a  force  to  control  life.  Self-sacrificing  activity  of  those 
who  have  for  those  who  have  not,  even  though  it  cost,  and  cost 
heavily,  is  the  supreme  teaching  and  practice  of  Christianity. 


6o  The  Fight  for  Peace 

This  is  the  secret  of  its  power.  Only  suffering  love  can  re- 
deem the  world — not  only  the  suffering  love  of  God  in  Christ, 
but  the  resulting  suffering  love  of  the  disciples  of  Jesus.  The 
doctrine  of  the  Atonement,  rightly  grasped  and  lived,  throws 
new  light  on  all  man's  problems.  It  becomes  a  mighty  living 
force  for  the  redemption  of  the  world.  For  Christ's  redemp- 
tive work  is  not  complete  till  all  His  disciples  have  shared  with 
Him  in  His  suffering  for  the  sin  of  the  world,  that  they  may 
share  with  Him  its  redemption. 

These  fresh  visions  and  understandings  must  be  fearlessly 
and  clearly  taught  in  every  church  and  in  every  land.  Lay 
Christians  no  less  than  pastors  and  priests  must  be  led  to  see 
the  visions  and  share  in  the  labors.  Only  so  can  they  share 
in  the  victories.  Indeed,  only  so  can  the  victories  be  won  and 
world-peace  be  actually  established. 

The  Christian  vision,  however,  must  find  expression  in  man's 
organized  life.  Christian  citizens  must  organize  in  order  to 
realize  their  ideals  for  society  and  for  all  mankind. 


VI 

AN  ADEQUATE  ORGANIZATION  OF  THE 
CHURCHES 

VISIONS  and  ideals  as  such  are  not  adequate.  They 
do  not  realize  themselves.  Seers  of  visions  must 
make  them  real.  They  must  descend  from  the 
clouds  and  walk  the  earth.  In  the  modem  world, 
however,  realization  of  ideals  is  practicable  only  by  deliberately 
organizing  for  the  purpose.  It  cannot  be  accomplished  by  iso- 
lated individuals.  This  work,  moreover,  should  not  be  left  ex- 
clusively to  peace  societies  and  wealthy  individuals.  They  have 
done  nobly.  Jurists,  economists,  statesmen  and  philanthropists 
have  made  valuable  contributions  to  world-peace  by  their  varied 
activities.  In  the  determination  of  historical,  economic,  legal 
and  social  facts,  in  the  suggestion  of  ways  and  means,  in  de- 
vising social  and  judicial  machinery  and  in  financing  special 
expensive  undertakings,  individuals  and  peace  societies  have 
already  rendered  and  may  still  render  services  of  the  highest 
importance. 

But  the  Church  has  its  own  contribution  to  make,  a  con- 
tribution of  inestimable  value.  Without  this  contribution 
world-peace  is  unattainable.  Church  membership  includes 
hundreds  of  millions  of  men  and  women  already  committed  to 
righteousness  and  justice.  They  live  in  many  lands  and  be- 
long to  many  races.  In  principle  the  Church  is  a  world  peace 
society.  Pastors  and  preachers  by  their  very  calling  should 
inspire  and  lead  the  lay  members.  This  is  what  pastors  are 
for.  If  they  fail  to  render  this  service  in  the  establishment  of 
the  world-wide  Kingdom  of  God,  they  fail  in  a  vital  part  of 
their  duty.  What  is  now  needed  is  the  coordination  and 
focusing  of  our  vast  Christian  forces  on  the  new  problem  con- 


62  The  Fight  for  Peace 

fronting  civilization.  This  the  Church  and  the  Church  alone 
can  accomplish.  The  churches  of  Christendom,  however,  as 
organized  at  present  are  not  prepared  to  insist  on  world-peace. 
Neither  are  the  religious  forces  of  America.  Those  individuals 
and  local  churches,  accordingly,  that  see  the  new  vision  of 
duty  and  opportunity  must  take  the  initiative ;  they  must  or- 
ganize in  new  ways. 

Some  may  feel  that  definite  ecclesiastical  action  calling  upon 
Congress  and  the  nation  for  specific  legislation  in  promotion 
of  international  peace  should  wait  till  complete  organic  church 
union  shall  have  taken  place,  and  the  Church  universal  can  face 
the  world.  Decades,  however,  are  likely  to  elapse  before  such 
union  takes  place.  But  the  world  needs  world-peace  now. 
An  aggressive,  constructive  and  powerful  peace  program  on 
Christian  lines  should  be  started  immediately,  for  the  time  is 
opportune.  Millions  are  earnestly  calling  for  it.  We  stand  at 
the  parting  of  the  ways.  Europe's  tragedy  marks  a  new  era  in 
human  history;  Asia's  awakening  is  pregnant  with  opportunity 
for  the  whole  world.  Shall  world-militarism  be  the  determin- 
ing feature  of  the  new  era,  or  good-will  among  the  nations? 
The  answer  will  depend  in  no  small  part  on  the  answer  of 
America  and  American  churches.  In  some  way,  therefore,  the 
churches  must  surmount  the  obstacle  of  denominations  and 
sects ;  they  must  build  up  their  peace  organization  and  swing 
the  whole  nation  into  line  with  their  peace  program.  If  the 
24,000,000  Protestant  Christians  of  the  United  States  can  be 
welded  into  a  single  well  organized  body  for  the  effective  Chris- 
tianization  of  America's  international  relations  and  policy,  a 
mighty  step  forward  will  have  been  taken  in  establishing  world- 
peace  ;  they  will  also  demonstrate  to  the  world  the  essential 
unity  of  the  churches. 

American  Protestant  Christians  rightly  hold  that  the  Church 
and  the  state  are  distinct ;  that  neither  should  invade  the  realm 
and  the  functions  of  the  other.  This  principle,  however,  does 
not  mean  that  the  state  may  adopt  pagan  principles  of  con- 
duct.    Yet  unless  Christians  demand  that  the  state  be  Chris- 


Adequate  Organization  of  the  Churches       63 

tian,  non-Christians  will  inevitably  conduct  the  state  on  non- 
Christian  principles.  And  exactly  this  is  the  dominant  char- 
acter of  the  relations  of  the  nations  even  of  Christendom.  It 
is,  nevertheless,  to  be  insisted  that  the  state  and  the  Church 
are  distinct  and  independent.  Long  experience  shows  the 
wisdom  of  this  practice.  Never  again  should  the  Church 
utilize  civil  power  for  securing  its  own  support  or  for  the  sup- 
posed promotion  of  truth  or  prevention  of  error.  Never  again 
should  the  state  dominate  the  Church  to  promote  the  interests 
of  dynastic,  or  party,  politics. 

This  principle,  however,  must  not  be  misunderstood  nor 
misapplied.  It  should  not  be  used  to  block  the  demand  of 
Christian  citizens  for  righteous  international  policies  and  rela- 
tions. While  the  Church  and  state  are  indeed  distinct,  it  is 
also  true  that  they  are  intimately  interrelated.  Christians  are 
citizens  and  as  citizens  they  may  not  ignore  their  responsibilities 
as  Christians.  In  a  democratic  land  like  ours  the  insistence 
of  Christians  that  international  policies  and  behavior  shall  be 
honest,  just  and  kindly,  and  the  proposal  by  Christians  of 
measures  that  adopt  such  policies  and  secure  such  action  is  not 
a  violation  of  the  principle  in  question.  This  insistence  may 
be  voiced  by  established  ecclesiastical  bodies,  or  it  may  be 
voiced  by  Christians  acting  individually  or  collectively.  But, 
however  it  is  voiced,  there  is  no  invasion  of  the  realm  of  the 
state  by  the  Church.  Has  the  time  not  come  for  Christians  to 
organize  their  common  convictions  in  this  matter?  Should 
Christians  not  give  these  convictions  efficiency  in  determining 
the  international  relations  of  our  people  ? 

The  positive  peace  program  to  be  outlined  in  Part  III 
assumes  that  the  time  is  ripe  for  this  advance.  While  our 
churches  should  leave  to  the  Federal  Administration  all  details 
as  to  the  execution  of  international  policies,  the  characteristic 
moral  features  of  those  policies  should  be  determined  by  the 
Christian  citizens  of  our  land.  If  we  are  serious  with  our 
world-peace  program,  the  fundamental  spirit  underlying  our 
international  life  should  not  be  left  without  definite  considera- 


6^  The  Fight  for  Peace 

tion  and  choice.  If  it  is  so  left,  it  will  be  dominated  in  the 
future  as  it  has  been  in  the  past  by  that  spirit  of  the  world  that 
expresses  itself  in  militarism. 

If  world -peace  is  ever  to  come,  it  must  be  achieved  by  con- 
scious Christian  action  directing  the  policies  and  activities  of 
the  state.  Anything  less  involves  failure  to  establish  the  King- 
dom of  God  in  its  fullness. 

First  of  all  then  the  churches  must  organize  for  the  new 
work  laid  upon  them  by  the  enlarging  vision  and  the  deepen- 
ing conscience  of  modern  Christians. 

The  proposals  here  offered  build  upon  the  splendid  organiza- 
tions already  existing,  namely,  the  Federal  Council  of  the 
Churches  of  Christ  in  America  and  the  Church  Peace  Union. 
The  Federal  Council  was  established  in  1908  by  the  official 
action  of  thirty  denominations ;  it  includes  more  than  138,000 
local  churches  having  over  1 7,000,000  members.  This  Federal 
Council  has  established  among  its  many  Commissions  one  on 
Peace  and  Arbitration.  Here  is  the  vital  nucleus  for  the  Prot- 
estant Christian  churches. 

The  Church  Peace  Union  came  into  existence  in  January, 
191 4,  through  the  action  of  Mr.  Andrew  Carnegie  in  providing 
an  endowment  of  two  million  dollars  for  peace  work  among 
churches.  On  its  Board  of  Trustees  are  Protestants,  Roman 
Catholics  and  Jews.  Here  is  the  natural  center  for  the  united 
peace  action  of  those  three  great  religious  groups. 

Let  us  now  consider  how  the  Protestant  churches  of  America 
can  be  so  linked  up  with  each  other  and  with  all  other  religious 
people  in  this  land  that  they  can  cooperate  effectively  to  the 
same  great  end. 

The  completion  of  the  peace  organization  of  the  Protestants 
might  be  brought  about  in  various  ways.  The  following  is 
suggested  as  perhaps  best  adapted  to  avoid  difficulties  and  se- 
cure prompt  and  effective  results,  and  also  most  easily  put  into 
practice.  It  interferes  with  no  ecclesiastical  precedents  and 
puts  no  new  burdens  on  already  existing  committees,  general 
assemblies,  synods,  and  annual  conferences. 


Adequate  Organization  of  the  Churches       65 

The  proposed  organization  springs  from  the  local  churches ; 
these  are  to  unite  in  Community  Church  Peace  Leagues  which 
in  turn  are  to  find  their  common  center  in  the  Peace  Commis- 
sion of  the  Federal  Council.  By  means  of  the  Federal  Council 
representatives  on  the  Church  Peace  Union,  Protestants  can 
unite  their  peace  activities  with  those  of  Jews  and  Roman 
Catholics. 

(a)  Local  Church  Peace  Committees  or  Societies. — 
Let  each  church  which  feels  responsibility  for  Christianizing 
America's  international  relations  and  wishes  to  share  in  its 
realization  establish  a  Peace  Committee.  Where  the  peace 
interest  of  the  church  makes  it  desirable  it  might  well  organize 
a  regular  Church  Peace  Society,  having  its  ofi&cers  and  an 
executive  committee. 

The  following  suggestions  are  offered  as  methods  of  activity 
for  Peace  Committees  in  local  churches : 

1 .  Secure  lists  of  suitable  reading  material  for  lay  Christians ; 
local  libraries  should  be  consulted.  To  be  supplied  with  the  best 
and  most  recent  peace  literature  inquiry  should  be  made  of  the 
Peace  Commission  of  the  Federal  Council  (105  E.  2 2d  St.,  New 
York).  Those  who  have  not  kept  in  touch  with  the  movement  in 
recent  years  will  be  surprised  at  the  amount  and  quality  of  peace 
literature  now  available.     Some  of  it  is  of  thrilling  interest. 

2.  Establish  reading  circles  among  its  members  that  they  may 
become  intelligently  informed  on  what  has  been  and  is  now  being 
done  by  the  various  peace  agencies,  as  well  as  familiar  with  the 
various  proposals,  arguments  and  criticisms. 

3.  Arrange  for  occasional  public  discussions,  debates  and  lec- 
tures in  the  church. 

4.  Carry  out  an  every-member  canvass,  seeking  to  enlist  each 
church  member  as  an  active  member  of  the  Church  Peace  League. 

5.  Promote  peace  study  in  the  Sunday-school,  in  the 
Y.  P.  S.  C.  E.,  in  the  Men's  Club  and  in  any  other  regular 
organization  of  the  church.  In  large  churches  where  there  are 
Peace  Societies  there  might  be  branches,  one  for  adults,  one  for 
young  people  between  fifteen  and  twenty-five,  and  one  for  children, 
also  with  their  respective  committees.  They  might  have  occasional 
meetings  in  common. 


66  The  Fight  for  Peace 

6.  Take  any  other  action  as  may  be  called  for  by  local,  national 
or  international  needs. 

7.  Keep  in  touch  with  the  peace  activities  of  its  own  denomi- 
national district  and  national  organizations. 


The  real  strength  of  the  movement  will  depend  on  the  num- 
ber of  the  churches  and  Christians  that  enter  heartily  upon  the 
general  peace  program.  All  really  rests  on  the  local  churches. 
Each  church  must  of  course  fix  its  own  rules  and  determine  the 
method  of  financing  its  work. 

The  importance  of  forming  a  Peace  Society  in  each  local 
church  distinct  from  the  church  is  greater  than  might  first  be 
thought.  The  Christians  of  the  country  should  ere  long 
grapple  with  problems  of  legislation  dealing  with  international 
matters,  concerning  which  there  may  be  grave  differences  of 
opinion.  The  Church  as  such,  either  locally  or  in  its  synods, 
general  assemblies  or  other  representative  bodies,  should  take 
no  part  in  these  political  questions.  These  questions,  however. 
Christians  should  not  shirk,  for,  though  Christians,  they  are 
also  citizens.  These  problems  of  practical  international  poli- 
tics should  be  kept  out  of  the  churches.  Ministers  should 
indeed  declare  with  no  uncertain  voice  the  call  of  God  to  all 
Christians  to  enact  Christian  legislation.  But  no  minister,  as  a 
minister,  should  undertake  to  tell  the  people  what  particular 
bill  is  Christian  and  what  is  not.  Nor  should  any  ecclesiastical 
body  as  such  undertake  to  control  the  voting  of  its  members  in 
regard  to  any  political  matter.  Every  church  member,  how- 
ever, who  wishes  as  a  Christian  citizen  to  fulfill  his  Christian 
duty  in  international  matters  that  necessarily  involve  legislation, 
should  unite  himself  with  fellow  Christians  that  think  the  same 
way  and  thus  make  possible  a  united  Christian  campaign  for 
the  practical  application  of  the  Golden  Rule  in  international 
matters.  The  Church  Peace  Society  as  here  proposed  is  there- 
fore not  merely  a  group  of  Christians,  but  a  group  of  Christian 
citizens  having  a  definite  political  purpose,  namely  the  enact- 
ment of  the  Goldeu  Rule'into  law.     The  mere  fact  of  church 


Adequate  Organization  of  the  Churches      67 

membership  should  not  of  itself  alone  involve  membership  in 
the  Peace  Society. 

(b)  Chtirch  Peace  Leagues.— A  Church  Peace  League 
should  be  organized  in  each  community  by  the  officers  and 
peace  committees  of  the  various  church  peace  movements.  It 
should  enroll  among  its  active  members  all  voting  citizens  who 
sympathize  with  the  Peace  Movement.  All  who  sympathize 
with  the  movement  but  are  not  voters  might  be  made  associate 
members.  Among  the  duties  of  members  should  be  an  agree- 
ment to  regard  his  right  to  vote  as  a  duty  to  be  exercised  con- 
scientiously with  a  view  to  the  establishment  of  the  Kingdom 
of  God  throughout  the  earth.  There  should  be  at  least  one 
full  meeting  of  the  League  annually  for  the  election  of  officers 
and  appointment  of  committees. 

The  following  suggestions  are  offered  as  methods  of  activity 
for  Chiirch  Peace  Leagues : 


1 .  Promote  peace  interest  in  chorches  that  have  not  yet  estab- 
lished their  own  peace  committees  or  societies,  persuading  them  if 
possible  to  share  in  this  movement  to  establish  world-peace  on 
Chrisuan  principles. 

2.  Arrange  for  occasional  large  public  meetings,  securing  local 
or  nadonal  speakers,  and  providing  for  peace  lecture  courses. 

3.  Provide  for  inter-church  debates,  for  prize  contests  and  for 
other  meetings  calculated  to  arouse  interest  and  promote  intelligent 
•tudy  of  the  methods  and  proposals  of  the  Peace  Movement. 

4.  Establish  official  connection  with  the  Federal  Council  Peace 
Commission  by  reporting  annually  its  officers  and  committees  and 
work,  including  the  statistics  of  the  year. 

5.  Serve  as  a  medium  of  communication  and  connection  between 
the  Peace  Commission  and  the  local  church  peace  movements. 

6.  Act  as  the  official  representatives  of  the  local  peace  interests 
in  dealing  with  newspapers,  libraries,  educators,  and  legislators. 

What  is  now  needed  is  a  nation-wide  organization  of  Chris- 
tian citizens  prepared  to  carry  through  the  Christian  program. 
The  American  Federation  of  Labor  musters  more  than  2,ooO;Ooo 


68  The  Fight  for  Peace 

upon  its  rolls  (1914)  having  gained  more  than  23,000  members 
the  past  year.  Every  man  pays  his  monthly  fee  for  the  sup- 
port of  the  local  and  the  national  organizations.  By  this 
organization  of  voters  the  Federation  is  able  to  influence  local 
and  even  national  legislation  in  important  matters.  Should 
not  Christians  unite  their  forces  for  the  establishment  of  Chris- 
tian principles  in  international  relations?  Might  not  the 
Church  Peace  Leagues  enroll  5,000,000  voters?  The  re- 
sponsible leaders  should  of  course  see  to  it  that  the  organi- 
zation adheres  to  its  program  and  takes  up  no  issue  that  does 
not  involve  moral  international  issues.  Peace  Leagues  should 
not  attempt  to  direct  how  its  members  should  vote ;  it  should 
only  insist  that  its  members  vote  somehow,  each  according  to 
his  own  conscience. 

(c)  The  Commission  on  Peace  and  Arbitration  of 
the  Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  of  Christ  in 
America. — As  stated  above,  the  Federal  Council  has  al- 
ready established  a  Peace  Commission.  It  has  been  in 
existence  since  191 1  and  has  already  done  considerable 
work  in  the  distribution  of  peace  literature  as  well  as  in  other 
directions.  The  Church  Peace  Union  is  a  product  of  its  ac- 
tivity. Since  this  Federal  Council  is  the  official  organ  of 
thirty  Protestant  bodies,  and  since  its  Peace  Commission  is 
the  regularly  established  agency  for  looking  after  the  peace 
interests  of  the  entire  body  of  churches  that  compose  it,  this 
Commission  would  seem  to  be  the  body  for  serving  as  the 
central  clearing  house,  or,  to  change  the  figure,  the  central 
power  house  for  the  entire  Protestant  peace  movement  of  the 
country. 

The  writer  accordingly  suggests  that  the  Federal  Council 
Peace  Commission,  upon  the  approval  of  the  Executive  Com- 
mittee of  the  Council,  provide — 

1.  That  the  Peace  Commission  shall  include  in  its  membership 
at  least  one  representative  from  each  of  the  constituent  denomina- 
tions. 

2.  That  every  important  action  of  the  Peace  Commission  shall 


Adequate  Organization  of  the  Churches       69 

be  reported  by  its  secretary  to  the  national  executive  officers  of  each 
denomination. 

3,  That  every  Church  Peace  League  that  applies  shall  be  en- 
rolled as  an  affiliated  branch  of  the  Peace  Commission.  On  ap- 
plication for  affiliation,  and  annually  thereafter,  the  League  shall 
report : 

a.  The  names  of  its  officers  and  committees. 

b.  The  names  of  the  constituent  churches  and  their  pastors. 

c.  The  statistics  of  the  active  and  associate  membership  of 

the  various  Church  Peace  Societies. 

d.  The  outstanding  features  of  the  year's  work. 

4.  That  official  bulletins  of  the  Peace  Commission  shall  be 
published  and  sent  to  each  branch  in  sufficient  quantities  to  supply 
each  church  with  one  or  more  copies  as  may  seem  desirable. 

In  a  word,  provision  should  be  made  for  the  close  linking 
up  of  the  entire  Protestant  peace  movement  of  the  country  so 
that  it  may  become  an  increasingly  strong,  intelligent,  and 
finally  effective  body  when  called  upon  for  actual  peace  work. 
The  relation  of  the  Federal  Council  Peace  Commission  to  the 
local  Church  Peace  Leagues  would  be  in  substance  the  same  as 
the  relation  of  the  Federal  Council  itself  to  the  local  and  state 
church  federations. 

Power  comes  through  the  complete  electrical  connections  of 
all  the  cells  in  a  battery.  Isolated  churches,  however  many, 
like  isolated  cells,  count  for  little  in  national  affairs. 

(d)  The  Church  Peace  Union.— The  Church  Peace 
Union  might  well  be  made  the  highest  coordinating  center 
of  the  Peace  Movement  of  American  churches.  The  Roman 
Catholic  and  Jewish  churches  might  be  asked  to  organize 
their  respective  local  bodies  for  peace  work  in  harmony  with 
their  general  principles  so  as  to  parallel  in  some  way  the  peace 
organization  of  the  Federal  Council.  And  then  by  mutual 
agreement  these  three  distinct  religious  Peace  Movements 
might  synchronize  and  harmonize  their  activities  by  means  of 
the  Church  Peace  Union.  This  Union,  moreover,  should  be 
the  means  of  coordinating  the  religious  peace  movement  of 
America  with  that  of  other  lands.     The  World  Alliance  of  the 


yo  The  Fight  for  Peace 

Church  for  the  Promotion  of  International  Friendship,  es- 
tablished in  Constance  at  the  outbreak  of  the  war  (Aug.  2, 
1 91 4),  already  provides  the  means  for  bringing  together  the 
Protestant  sentiment  of  the  world  for  the  establishment  of 
world-peace. 

The  question  will  naturally  arise  whether  there  is  need  for  a 
new  organization.  Why  not  let  the  peace  activity  of  the 
churches  be  carried  on  as  hitherto  by  occasional  sermons? 
If  more  is  needed,  are  not  local  branches  of  the  American 
Peace  Society  adequate  ?  They  could  bring  together  all 
classes  of  people  regardless  of  their  religious  connections. 
Would  not  that  be  better  than  to  establish  distinctively  Chris- 
tian groups  ?  Or  where  Church  Federations  exist,  would  it 
not  be  simpler  for  them  to  establish  peace  committees  to  serve 
the  peace  interests  of  their  communities  ?  The  answer  to  these 
queries  is  entirely  a  question  of  efficiency.  An  occasional 
sermon  is  not  enough,  as  experience  shows,  to  give  the  needed 
interest  and  intelligence.  Except  in  large  centers  like  New 
York  or  Boston,  can  a  peace  society  that  includes  members 
of  any  religion  or  no  religion  really  flourish  and  take  in  all 
right-minded  men  ?  As  for  Church  Federations,  moreover, 
have  they  not  already  their  several  duties  and  lines  of  work 
definitely  laid  out  ?  They  are  busily  occupied  looking  after 
local  interests,  and  there  is  quite  enough  for  them  to  do. 

The  peace  problem  still  further  is  one  of  international  con- 
cern and  of  surpassing  importance ;  its  program  is  as  yet  to 
the  minds  of  most  Christians  vague  and  intangible.  I  fear 
that  if  the  peace  question  is  merely  added  as  one  more  duty 
of  the  Church  Federation,  for  whose  care  one  more  committee 
is  created  coordinate  with  its  other  committees,  the  efficiency 
needed  cannot  possibly  be  secured.  The  international  prob- 
lems and  interests  of  Christianity  stand  in  marked  contrast  to 
all  local  problems  and  interests.  They  require,  therefore,  a 
corresponding  treatment.  The  entire  body  of  Christian 
citizens  and  all  who  wish  actually  to  promote  peace  and 
good-will  should  be  drawn  into  this  movement  if  it  is  really 


Adequate  Organization  of  the  Churches       71 

to  succeed.  Each  local  church,  therefore,  should  have  its  own 
peace  movement ;  it  will  reach  its  highest  efficiency  only  by 
close  affiliation  with  the  Peace  League  and  the  Peace  Com- 
mission. For  the  institution  of  nation-wide  movements  and 
international  policies,  it  is  of  the  highest  importance  that 
each  church  shall  be  in  full  responsive  relation  with  a  common 
national  center.  Through  such  local  and  national  connections 
it  will  be  possible  to  organize  nation-wide  campaigns  on  emer- 
gency questions  or  push  peace  policies  in  legislatures  and  at 
elections.  Suggestions  as  to  important  tasks  confronting  the 
Church  are  described  in  Part  III.  Will  it  be  possible  to  carry 
them  out  with  any  less  organization  than  that  here  suggested  ? 
The  unification  and  consolidation  of  the  peace  interests  and 
convictions  of  Christians  as  such,  therefore,  seem  important. 

If  it  is  desired,  nevertheless,  to  have  all  local  union  move- 
ments connected  in  some  way  with  the  local  Church  Federa- 
tion, it  might  be  effected  by  providing  that  the  Federation 
shall  undertake  the  initial  work  of  arousing  peace  interest  in 
the  churches,  getting  them  to  organize  their  local  movements, 
and  securing  their  membership  in  the  Community  Peace 
League.  Having  accomplished  this,  the  local  Federation 
should  then  pass  over  to  the  League  its  aggressive  peace  work. 
The  Peace  Leagues  might  maintain  continued  organic  relations 
with  the  Church  Federations  which  brought  them  into  existence 
by  making  annual  reports  to  the  Federation  and  by  having  as 
members  of  the  executive  committee  one  or  more  individuals 
elected  by  the  Federation. 

The  conclusive  reason,  however,  why  the  Peace  Leagues 
should  be  organically  distinct  from  the  Federations  is  because 
they  must  in  time  undertake  distinct  political  activities,  into 
which  the  Federations  as  such  should  not  enter. 

Neither  the  Church  Peace  Union  nor  the  Peace  Commission 
of  the  Federal  Council  should,  of  course,  impose  any  rules  or 
exercise  any  authority  over  local  movements.  Every  church 
and  Church  Peace  League  should  have  complete  freedom ;  it 
should  have  full  rights  of  initiative  and  be  able  to  experiment 


72  The  Fight  for  Peace 

with  various  forms  of  organizations  and  methods  of  activity. 
Different  methods  of  providing  for  this  new  work  of  the  churches 
will  doubtless  be  found  useful.  That  method  which  proves 
most  effective  in  any  center  is  the  one  to  be  chosen. 

Should  Christian  citizens  generally  adopt  some  such  methods 
of  peace  organization  and  ccJoperation  as  those  outlined  above, 
great  things  could  be  accomplished. 

1.  Intelligent  interest  and  definite  knowledge  would  become 
quite  general  among  American  citizens.  This  is  the  primary  con- 
dition for  united  and  therefore  effective  action. 

2.  The  Peace  Commission,  through  its  bulletins,  could  keep 
all  the  leagues  promptiy  informed  as  to  specific  questions  and  move- 
ments. Should  legislation  be  proposed  in  Congress  or  State  Legis- 
latures inimical  to  international  righteousness  and  in  conflict  with 
treaties,  the  leagues  could  be  informed  and  an  avalanche  of  disap- 
proval would  overwhelm  the  legislators,  letting  them  know  exactly 
what  the  opinion  is  in  regard  to  the  matter  held  by  the  peace-loving 
citizens  of  America.  Should  local  or  national  elections  involve 
questions  of  international  right  dealing ;  should  men  be  proposed 
for  office  known  to  be  tools  of  militarism  or  advocates  of  unjust 
legislation,  the  Christian  peace  forces,  instead  of  being  manipulated 
and  divided  by  crafty  politicians,  would  have  full  knowledge  of  the 
facts  and  be  able  to  mass  their  votes  for  righteousness  and  inter- 
national peace. 

3.  Positive,  constructive  national  programs  in  promotion  of 
international  righteousness  and  good-will  could  be  launched  and 
carried  through,  because  of  the  unification  of  the  forces  of  Chris- 
tianity. 

There  are  in  the  United  States  (1913)  nearly  24,000,000 
Protestant  church  members.  There  are  more  than  13,000,000 
communicants  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church.  Who  can 
measure  the  power  of  these  great  bodies  for  righteousness  if 
they  should  feel  and  act  unitedly  ? 

Such  a  peace  organization  as  that  here  proposed  in  no  wise 
involves  the  doctrinal  or  ecclesiastical  differences  of  the  citizens 
of  America.  It  would  bring  men  of  diverse  training  and 
tendencies,  long  isolated  by  the  incident  of  denominational 
connections,  or  the  lack  of  them,  into  hopeful  and  joyful  co- 


Adequate  Organization  of  the  Churches       73 

operation.  It  would  discover  them  to  each  other  and  promote 
fellowship  and  brotherhood  along  new  lines. 

This  method,  however,  can  be  effective  only  as  there  is 
spontaneous  action  by  the  ministers,  deacons,  elders,  vestry- 
men, Sunday-school  teachers,  Young  People's  Societies,  leaders, 
and  responsible  members  of  churches  throughout  the  land.  If 
it  is  spontaneous  it  will  be  effective.  If  it  is  only  slowly  evoked 
by  promoting  activities  from  headquarters,  not  much  may  be 
expected,  and  the  splendid  opportunity  of  to-day  will  be  lost. 
World-militarism  will  in  the  meantime  have  made  still  greater 
headway.  But  has  there  ever  been  a  time  so  suitable  as  this 
for  the  launching  of  an  effective  peace  movement  ?  Are  not 
professed  Christians  and  all  sane  men  longing  for  some  effective 
method  of  overcoming  rampant  militarism  throughout  the 
world?  And  is  it  not  easy  now  to  show  that  there  is  no 
remedy  for  world-militarism  but  the  remedy  of  the  Golden 
Rule? 

How  in  detail  this  remedy  is  to  be  applied  is  the  subject  of 
subsequent  chapters.  Here  I  stress  the  fact  that  the  churches 
will  never  contribute  their  part  to  the  establishment  of  world- 
peace  unless  they  undertake  it  in  some  organic  way.  The 
present  divisions  in  the  churches  make  it  imperative  that  we 
establish  a  new  organization  along  new  lines.  In  this  new 
organization  everything  will  be  voluntary.  No  league,  no 
church  and  no  individual  citizen  will  be  coerced  or  compelled 
or  advised  by  any  higher  authority  to  think  or  do  anything 
that  does  not  commend  itself.  The  Peace  Commission  will 
have  only  so  much  influence  over  peace  leagues  and  local 
church  peace  movements,  and  even  over  individuals,  as  the 
reasonableness  of  its  suggestions  and  proposals  may  secure. 

The  proposed  method  of  organization,  moreover,  in  no  wise 
involves  in  political  programs  the  present  ecclesiastical  bodies 
as  such.  Each  individual  Christian  is  perfectly  free  to  follow 
the  dictates  of  his  own  conscience  as  a  Christian  citizen.  In 
this  way  the  respective  realms  of  the  state  and  the  Church  are 
fully  respected  and  protected. 


74  The  Fight  for  Peace 

It  follows  that  only  as  there  is  spiritual  and  intellectual  unity 
in  regard  to  peace  policies  and  programs  will  anything  be  ac- 
complished. Joyful  spontaneity  in  the  service  of  the  Prince  of 
Peace  is  the  only  service  that  He  desires  or  can  use.  Enforced 
or  unwilling  action  is  contrary  to  the  very  spirit  of  the  Peace 
Movement, 


vn 

PEACE  EDUCATION  AMONG  THE  YOUNG 

THE  peace  organization  of  the  churches  is  only  a  means 
to  an  end.  And  the  first  end  is  naturally  the  cul- 
tivation among  Christians  themselves  of  thorough 
knowledge  of  and  real  interest  in  the  problems  and 
methods  of  peace.  Only  so  will  they  take  active  part  in  es- 
tablishing international  peace  policies.  For  the  day  is  practi- 
cally past  when  international  policies  are  to  be  settled  by  rulers. 
The  people  in  every  land  are  more  and  more  responsible.  And 
just  this  is  one  of  the  ominous  factors  of  the  new  situation. 
Can  democracies  develop  and  carry  out  righteous  international 
policies  ?  Mass  ignorance,  race  prejudices  and  national  am- 
bitions are  facts  of  malign  and  terrible  power.  They  largely 
produce  militarism  and  easily  lead  to  war.  Whether  or  not 
mass  psychology  can  be  controlled  and  utilized  in  the  pro- 
motion of  world-peace  depends  in  large  measure  upon  the 
churches. 

The  first  distinct  work  to  which  the  Church  should  set  itself, 
after  providing  for  the  development  of  intelligence  among  its 
own  members,  is  the  introduction  into  Sunday-schools  of  regu- 
lar instruction  in  regard  to  peace.  When  we  consider  how 
much  has  been  accomplished  for  temperance  by  systematic 
teaching  of  children  in  schools  and  Sunday-schools,  there  is 
every  encouragement  to  do  the  same  thing  for  the  cause  of 
world-peace. 

Pressure  should  be  put  on  all  who  prepare  regular  Sunday- 
school  lessons  to  introduce  not  less  than  once  a  quarter  one 
lesson  on  peace.  The  material  is  surely  adequate  to  make  the 
lessons  of  absorbing  interest  to  both  pupils  and  teachers.  But 
of  more  importance  than  the  formal  lessons  on  peace  is  the 

75 


76  The  Fight  for  Peace 

systematic  introduction  into  every  lesson  of  peace  ideals  and 
postulates.  For  it  is  a  fact  that  certain  parts  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment may  easily  and  unconsciously  be  used  in  the  promotion 
of  militarism. 

The  second  great  educational  undertaking  is  to  do  the  same 
thing  with  regard  to  elementary  and  secondary  schools.  All 
the  historical  text-books  should  be  examined  with  regard  to  the 
ideals  they  seek  to  establish  and  postulates  they  unconsciously 
leave  with  the  children.  Do  they  glorify  wars  and  military 
heroes?  Is  there  any  corrective  exalting  the  ideals  of  peace? 
Do  they  point  out  the  essential  failure  of  most  wars  and  the  in- 
ability of  war-methods  to  provide  for  justice  ?  Do  they  show 
that  a  few  heroes  gain  glory,  but  that  the  millions  who  fight 
and  suffer  as  a  rule  gain  nothing  ?  Do  they  teach  that  though 
aristocracy  and  capitalism  gain  financially,  the  people  pay  the 
bills  ?  Do  our  histories  teach  right  views  of  war  losses  ?  Or 
are  they  vitiated  by  Bernhardi's  illusions?  As  in  teaching 
temperance  it  has  been  found  effective  not  to  teach  it  as  a  sepa- 
rate discipline,  but  to  teach  hygiene  and  physiology  and  town 
and  city  administration  in  such  ways  as  to  make  the  correct  im- 
pressions and  leave  the  right  ideals  with  the  children,  so  must 
it  be  done  in  regard  to  war  and  peace.  Formal  peace  instruc- 
tion to  children  will  probably  have  no  effect  so  long  as  our 
school  histories  remain  what  they  are. 

The  Commission  on  Christian  Education  of  the  Federal 
Council,  accordingly,  has  appointed  a  Committee  on  Peace 
Education  whose  duty  it  is  to  examine  all  historical  text-books 
with  an  eye  to  their  influence  on  the  children  in  regard  to  the 
question  of  peace  education.  It  will  also  make  suggestions  as 
to  what  is  needed  by  those  who  prepare  and  publish  text-books. 
This  Commission  has  already  prepared  Sunday-school  Lessons 
on  International  Peace. 

The  local  churches  likewise  should,  through  suitable  com- 
mittees, interest  themselves  in  this  undertaking.  As  soon  as 
knowledge  of  facts  has  been  gained,  pressure  should  be  put  on 
school  boards  and  whoever  selects  text-books  to  use  only  those 


Peace  Education  Among  the  Young         77 

that  leave  the  right  impressions  and  establish  the  right  ideals. 
The  Peace  Commission  should,  of  course,  report  to  all  branches 
the  results  of  its  findings ;  it  should  suggest  wise  methods  of 
activity  for  local  work. 

This  program  is  not  one  that  will  enact  itself,  although 
teachers  and  publishers  may  be  ready,  even  glad  to  do  their 
part.  Throughout  the  country  there  must  be  intelligent  and 
persistent  watching  and  pressure. 

This  is  a  program  too  that  cannot  be  carried  out  for  the 
whole  country  from  one  central  body.  Each  locality  must  do 
its  own  part,  in  harmony  with  the  political  genius  of  American 
democracy. 

When  the  millions  of  children  passing  through  our  schools 
for  a  generation  shall  have  been  suitably  educated  along  these 
lines,  the  United  States  will  surely  be  ready  for  an  effective 
world-peace  program. 

In  closing  I  quote  a  paragraph  from  the  stirring  address  of 
Dr.  John  Clifford,  delivered  just  after  the  opening  of  the  war, 
entitled,  '«  The  War  and  the  Churches." 

**  The  Churches  must  labour  to  change  the  thought  and 
opinion  of  the  people  with  regard  to  war.  Nearly  all  our 
teaching  about  war  is  wrong.  We  begin  in  a  wrong  way  with 
our  children.  Boys  are  taught  to  play  at  soldiering,  to  admire 
generals  as  the  greatest  heroes,  and  instead  of  being  made  sick 
with  the  horrors  and  savagery  of  war,  they  are  led  to  regard 
the  soldier's  life  as  noble  and  glorious,  an  altogether  desirable 
career.  The  history  we  give  them  is  made  up  of  war  stories, 
whilst  the  heroes  and  achievements  of  commerce  and  literature, 
of  art  and  science,  of  morals  and  religion,  are  assigned  a  sec- 
ondary place.  The  Churches  have  to  teach  that  nations  are 
members  one  of  another,  that  they  are  interlocked,  and  that 
damage  inflicted  on  one  is  a  hurt  to  all ;  that  war  is  murder, 
premeditated,  deliberate,  unmitigated  murder;  that  the  pa- 
triotism of  peoples  is  exploited  in  the  favor  of  military  castes 
and  for  private  firms ;  whilst  the  people  themselves  have  no 
voice  in  regulating  the  costs  they  have  to  pay  or  the  terms  on 


78  The  Fight  for  Peace 

which  citizens  shall  kill  each  other.  The  Churches  should 
create  an  educated  body  of  peace  messengers,  show  nations 
that  they  should  spend  money  in  making  apostles  and  advocates 
of  Christian  ideas  of  war  and  peace,  and  not  upon  the  inven- 
tion of  instruments  of  destruction.  Oh !  when  will  the 
Churches  understand  their  duty  and  use  their  opportunity  as 
the  representatives  of  the  Prince  of  Peace?  " 


PART    THREE 


A  Constructive  Peace  Program 


Fresh  visions,  peace  organization  of  the  churches  and  peace 
education  of  the  youth  are,  however,  but  preparations  for  that 
real  and  constructive  program  of  Christianity  by  which  alone 
true  world-peace  can  be  established. 

At  present,  as  militarists  assert  and  all  admit,  every  nation 
is  actuated  by  selfishness  j  and  selfishness  is,  moreover,  regarded 
as  natural  and  inevitable.  International  relations  from  the  be- 
ginning of  mankind  have  been  so  selfish  and  the  conduct  of 
peoples  and  races  has  been  characterized  by  such  brutality, 
with  suffering  incalculable,  that  nearly  every  people  is  sus- 
picious of  every  other.  Jealousy,  hatred,  fear,  and  revenge 
control  more  or  less  consciously  the  attitude  of  each  to  all. 

Permanent  world-peace,  however,  can  come  only  as  these 
feelings  are  overcome  and  good-will  is  established  in  their 
place.  These  animosities,  distrusts,  indignations,  have  been 
evoked  by  positive  deeds.  They  can  be  overcome  only  by 
positive  deeds.  The  way  to  conquer  evil  is  to  do  good. 
*•  Overcome  evil  with  good "  is  a  universal  principle  ;  it  ap- 
plies to  nations  as  well  as  to  individuals.  Our  Christian  ideals 
and  practices  must  now  be  definitely  and  consciously  applied  to 
nations,  to  international  life.  The  golden  rule  must  be  given 
universal  application. 

Here,  therefore,  is  the  platform  of  the  Christian  World-Peace 
Program.  Christians  must  seek  to  establish  the  Kingdom  of 
God  on  a  world-wide  scale  through  methods  of  international 
righteousness  and  helpfulness.  Nations  become  friendly  only 
by  doing  deeds  of  good- will  for  each  other.  Treaties  of  peace 
and  arbitration  are  well,  but  they  are  not  enough.  Promises 
not  to  declare  war  until  time  has  elapsed  for  a  commission  to 
investigate  and  report  are  thoroughly  worth  while.  They  are 
not,  however,  adequate  substitutes  for  active  good-will  and 
mutual  confidence.  What  the  world  now  needs  are  inter- 
national actions  that  remove  now  existing  suspicions,  distrusts, 
animosities,  and  prejudices.  The  following  chapters  are  de- 
voted to  concrete  suggestions  as  to  how  the  Golden  Rule,  the 
Christian  principle  of  love,  may  be  applied  to  specific  cases. 


VIII 

FRIENDLY  TREATMENT  BY  A  NATION  LARGE  AND 
STRONG  OF  A  PEOPLE  SMALL  AND  DEFENSE- 
LESS POSSESSING  VAST  NATURAL  RE- 
SOURCES  :  THE  UNITED  STATES 
AND  MEXICO 

WE  first  consider  the  case  of  the  relations  of  a  large 
and  powerful  country  to  a  small  defenseless  one 
whose  territory  possesses  vast  natural  wealth, 
which,  therefore,  might  stimulate  greed.  Be- 
tween two  such  countries  difficulties  easily  arise  through 
aggressive  acts  of  irresponsible  individuals.  Reprisals  occur, 
force  or  cunning  is  used,  injustice  is  done.  In  these  ways 
mutual  animosity  and  suspicions  are  developed. 

What  is  the  Christian  method  of  dealing  with  such  a  situa- 
tion ?  To  pass  from  the  abstract  to  the  concrete,  let  us  con- 
sider the  relations  of  the  United  States  and  Mexico. 

For  a  century  we  have  lived  side  by  side.  We  have  not 
been  the  best  of  neighbors ;  there  has  been  more  or  less  of 
friction.  We  have  occasionally  fought  each  other.  That 
Mexicans  suspect  us  of  aggressive  designs  and  that  they  regard 
us  as  ill-mannered  and  as  cowards  and  look  upon  us  with  scorn 
and  derision  are  facts  that  need  no  elaboration. 

They  feel  that  we  have  repeatedly  done  them  wrong ;  that  we 
have  seized  their  territory,  wantonly  invaded  their  cities,  inter- 
fered with  their  sovereign  rights.  Deeds  that  we  regard  as 
magnanimous  they  consider  pusillanimous.  They  think  that 
we  greedily  desire  to  annex  the  whole  country ;  we  have  not  done 
it  in  the  past  because  we  could  not ;  intrinsically  cowardly,  we 
have  not  dared  to  risk  a  serious  conflict  with  them.  Some  of 
us  look  upon  them  with  disdain.     Their  history,  their  ancestry, 

8x 


82  The  Fight  for  Peace 

their  habits,  personal  and  national,  moral  and  political,  fall 
under  our  ban.  We  regard  them  as  intrinsically  incapable  of 
appreciating  our  magnanimity.  Whatever  we  may  do  to  them, 
kindly  and  helpful,  most  believe  would  be  useless.  The  only 
way  to  treat  them,  many  insist,  is  to  hold  them  in  their  place 
by  force  and  punish  them  when  they  destroy  American  prop- 
erty, kill  American  citizens,  or  insult  the  American  flag. 
They  cannot  possibly  attain,  it  is  asserted,  that  high  standard 
of  personal  and  national  life  essential  for  stable  government  and 
for  international  relations  of  trust  and  good-will.  We  even 
consider  the  need  of  intervention  unless  they  stop  their  revolu- 
tions and  assure  the  safety  and  prosperity  of  our  citizens 
residing  in  their  land. 

What  now  can  be  done  to  change  these  feelings,  ours  and 
theirs  ?  How  can  we  learn  to  trust  and  love  them  and  persuade 
them  to  trust  and  love  us  ?  How  can  we  discover  their  good 
traits  and  help  them  to  discover  ours  ?  How  can  we  become 
good  neighbors  to  them  and  help  them  to  become  good  neigh- 
bors to  us  ?  How  can  we  estabUsh  such  right  feelings  here  and 
there  that  both  they  and  we  shall  be  convinced  that  never 
again  will  conflicts  arise  between  us  ?  Such  are  the  questions 
we  must  answer  if  we  are  serious  in  our  proposals  to  establish 
world -peace.  Not  until  we  have  in  some  way  aroused  feelings 
of  mutual  confidence  and  good-will  shall  we  have  made  much 
headway  in  establishing  permanent  peace  between  us ;  and,  on 
the  other  hand,  not  until  these  feelings  of  mutual  good-will  and 
confidence  shall  have  developed  in  us  and  in  them  will  it  be 
possible  or  even  wise  for  us  or  for  them  to  adopt  the  policy  of 
disarmament.  And  if  America  cannot  influence  her  nearest 
neighbor  and  enter  into  relationships  of  permanent  good-will 
and  mutual  trust,  how  can  we  reasonably  expect  to  influence 
the  whole  world  ?  How  can  we  think  that  other  nations  whose 
relations  have  been  far  more  bitter  and  disastrous  can  possibly 
establish  friendship  and  permanent  peace  ? 

What  then  is  to  be  done  to  change  these  international  feel- 
ings ?    So  long  as  masses  of  Americans  feel,  talk  and  act  as 


The  United  States  and  Mexico  83 

they  do,  how  can  Mexicans  help  reciprocating  ?  Evil  begets 
evil;  ill-will,  ill-will. 

There  is  in  fact  only  one  possible  way  out.  **  The  way  to 
resume  is  to  resume."  We  must  begin  to  practice  the  Golden 
Rule  in  our  relations  with  Mexico  without  waiting  for  any 
change  in  her  or  even  in  our  own  feelings.  We  know  what  is 
Christian,  let  us  do  it.  Christian  citizens  must  insist  that 
whatever  may  be  our  conceptions  of  the  personal,  national  or 
racial  defects  of  Mexicans,  our  duty  as  Christians  is  clear.  We 
must  be  brothers  to  them.  Even  though  it  cost  us  much,  we 
must  be  righteous  and  kindly. 

What  then  shall  we  do  ?  It  will  not  answer  to  be  vague  at 
this  point;  our  prescription  of  remedies  must  not  end  with 
generalities.  I  venture,  therefore,  to  suggest  a  number  of 
things  that  we  as  a  nation  might  well  do  in  the  near  future. 

1.  According  to  the  custom  of  nations,  American  cidzens 
are  doubtless  presendng  to  our  Department  of  State  claims  for 
damages  incurred  in  the  recent  Mexican  revolution.  The  Depart- 
ment will  investigate  and,  after  sifdng  out  what  may  seem  to  be 
false  or  excessive,  will  present  the  bill  to  Mexico,  and  in  the 
course  of  time  Mexico  will  be  expected  to  pay  these  claims.  Here 
is  an  opportunity  for  America.  Let  the  claims  be  presented,  in- 
vestigated, sifted ;  let  the  bill  be  presented  to  Mexico,  and  let  her 
investigate  and  sift.  And  then  when  agreement  has  been  reached 
as  to  the  amount  of  the  indemnity  to  be  paid  by  Mexico,  let  our 
Department  of  State  be  instructed  to  say  that  in  view  of  all  the 
circumstances  and  of  our  good-will  to  Mexico,  Congress  has 
decided  to  meet  these  indemnity  expenses  itself  from  our  own 
sources.  No  further  claim,  therefore,  will  be  made  upon  Mexico 
in  this  matter.^ 

2.  To  help  us  become  acquainted  with  the  better  side  of 
Mexico,  let  Congress  establish  fifty  scholarships  for  American 
college  graduates  for  a  year  of  residence  and  study  in  Mexico  ;  let 
them  associate  with  the  best  of  their  people,  mastering  their  language, 
becoming  familiar  with  their  history,  ideals,  edquette  and  customs. 

>  An  alternative  method  would  be  to  allow  Mexico  to  make  the  pay- 
ment either  in  one  lump  sum  or  in  installments,  and  then  return  the  same 
to  her. 


84  The  Fight  for  Peace 

3.  Let  Congress  also  establish,  say  two  hundred  scholarships 
for  worthy  Mexican  youth  for  study  in  the  United  States.  Ar- 
rangements should  be  made  for  such  students  to  live  in  our  best 
educational  circles.  Should  America's  Christian  families  open 
their  homes  to  these  Mexican  students  and  treat  them  as  we  have 
treated  Japanese  and  Chinese  students,  what  a  mighty  factor  it 
would  be  for  international  acquaintance  and  good-will ! 

4.  To  help  Mexico  get  upon  her  feet  educationally,  let  the 
United  States  appropriate,  say  $5,000,000  annually  for  ten  years 
for  elementary  non-sectarian  education  in  Mexico  with  which  to 
erect  school  buildings  and  pay  salaries  of  school  teachers.  It 
would  be  well  naturally  to  make  certain  conditions — agreeable,  of 
course,  to  Mexico — providing,  for  example,  that  she  raise  a  similar 
sum  and  that  the  administration  of  Mexico's  educational  department 
be  so  conducted  as  to  assure  us  that  our  gifts  were  not  absorbed  by 
unworthy  individuals  or  organizations. 

5.  To  help  Mexico  recover  financial  prosperity  at  an  early 
date,  might  not  the  United  States  appropriate  $50,000,000  for  the 
immediate  reconstruction  of  her  railroads  ?  This  gift  also  could  be 
made  with  suitable  conditions. 

What,  I  ask,  would  be  the  effect  on  Mexico  of  such  deeds  ? 
Who  can  doubt  that  their  distrust  of  us  would  gradually,  or 
perhaps  even  suddenly,  be  removed?  Would  not  the  inner 
politics  of  Mexico  undergo  thorough  transformation  through  the 
silent  but  potent  influences  of  our  own  political  methods  and 
spirit  ?  For  knowledge  of  us  and  admiration  of  our  methods 
would  surely  spring  up  and  sweep  through  the  entire  people  in 
the  course  of  a  couple  of  decades.  Popular  education  would 
advance.  The  prosperity  of  Mexico  likewise  would  grow. 
The  financial  returns  through  increasing  trade  would  in  the 
course  of  a  score  of  years  far  more  than  repay  our  expenditure. 
But  of  more  value  would  be  the  good-will  growing  between  us, 
and  the  establishment  of  lasting  peace. 

What,  too,  would  be  the  effect  of  such  a  policy  on  our  own 
people?  Beyond  question  our  interest  in  Mexico's  progress 
and  welfare  would  become  fraternal  and  real.  What  joy  would 
be  ours  to  see  her  saved  from  revolutions  and  started  perma- 
nently on  the  pathway  of  internal  peace  and  prosperity  !     We 


The  United  States  and  Mexico  85 

would  see  splendid  qualities  in  them  that  we  had  not  suspected. 
By  establishing  right  relations,  each  would  reveal  to  the  other 
his  better  side  and  in  proportion  as  we  see  the  better  side  our 
mutual  esteem  would  advance. 

What,  moreover,  would  be  the  effect  of  such  a  policy  on  the 
other  nations  ?  They  would,  of  course,  distrust  us  at  first ; 
they  would  suspect  us  of  playing  a  long  shrewd  game  of  some 
kind.  But  as  time  passed  and  we  consistently  carried  out  our 
program,  they  also  would  come  to  believe  and  trust  us.  The 
nations  of  South  America  would  be  particularly  keen  in  watch- 
ing us,  and  later  they  would  develop  real  confidence  in  us. 
For  once  in  the  history  of  the  world  men  would  see  a  powerful 
nation  really  Christian  in  its  international  relations.  Confi- 
dence in  us  would  spring  up,  moreover,  in  every  land.  And 
would  they  not  begin  to  see  that  after  all  **  Godliness  is  profit- 
able for  all  things,"  even  in  international  politics? 

From  every  possible  point  of  view,  the  expenditure  of  money 
in  the  ways  indicated  would  appear  to  be  good  business  as  well 
as  truly  Christian. 

Some  will  of  course  begrudge  such  sums  to  aliens.  Before 
completing  this  program,  they  will  argue,  it  would  cost  us  more 
than  $100,000,000.  What  right  have  we  to  take  this  vast 
amount  out  of  the  pockets  of  poor  American  workingmen  and 
give  it  to  worthless  Mexicans  ? 

How  much,  I  ask  in  reply,  would  we  willingly  have  ex- 
pended had  President  Wilson  decided  to  avenge  the  honor  of 
our  flag  ?  Would  it  not  have  cost  us  majiy  hundred  millions 
in  a  few  months  ?  Thousands  of  our  young  men  would  have 
been  killed  and  tens  of  thousands  wounded.  By  the  time  all 
the  bills  for  military  and  naval  repairs  had  been  made  and 
Mexico  had  been  ruled  by  our  army  and  educated  by  our 
teachers,  and  the  pension  roll  had  been  completely  paid  off 
from  fifty  to  seventy-five  years  hence,  the  total  would  have 
passed  the  billion  mark. 

Does  any  one  doubt,  however,  that  unless  we  find  some  way 
of  making  friendship  between  Mexico  and  ourself,  sooner  or 


86  The  Fight  for  Peace 

later  there  will  be  serious  conflicts  and  enormous  expenses? 
So  long  as  suspicions  and  animosity  remain,  are  not  increasing 
armaments  inevitable  ?  But  how  much  will  that  cost — for  us 
and  for  them  ? 

If  by  the  expenditure  of  ^100,000,000  we  can  establish  per- 
manent peace  with  Mexico,  it  will  be  a  good  bargain.  I  am 
not  sure  that  we  can  do  it  for  so  small  a  sum  as  that.  But 
whatever  the  peace  method  may  cost,  will  it  not  cost  less  than 
the  war  method?  The  cost  of  peace  preserved  by  readiness 
for  war  is  endlessly  expensive.  It  aggravates  suspicion  and 
animosity,  and  when  the  "inevitable"  conflict  comes,  the 
murder,  destruction,  pillage,  crimes  and  atrocities  only  serve 
to  inflame  feelings  on  both  sides.  Whichever  side  is  victorious 
passions  smoulder  on  for  decades  ready  to  be  fanned  to  flames 
by  the  breath  of  circumstance. 

The  tragedy  in  Europe  to-day  is  a  part  result  of  "glorious  " 
victories  on  one  side  and  pitiful  defeats  of  a  century  ago  on 
the  other. 

To  make  Mexico  truly  friendly,  then,  possessed  of  absolute 
confidence  in  our  good-will,  we  must  change  our  feelings  and 
our  conduct  toward  her ;  this  will  surely  lead  her  to  change 
hers  toward  us.  All  will  see  that  we  really  mean  it  if  it  really 
costs  us  something,  and  if  we  keep  it  up  year  in  and  year  out. 
Unless  we  do  this  the  day  will  come  when  America  will  have 
to  spend  hundreds  of  millions  in  conflict.  And  after  that  the 
task  of  making  Mexico  friendly  will  be  far  more  difi&cult  and 
expensive  than  now. 


IX 

FRIENDLY  TREATMENT  BY  A  POWERFUL  WESTERN 

NATION  OF  A  PEACEFUL  EASTERN  PEOPLE : 

THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  CHINA 

THROUGH  the  entrance  into  Occidental  civilization 
of  Japan  fifty  years  ago,  and  but  yesterday  of 
China,  a  new  era  has  opened  in  the  relations  of  the 
East  and  West. 

For  hundreds  of  years  China,  the  largest  of  all  the  nations, 
has  been  the  least  warlike.  Every  European  nation  has  found 
it  an  easy  matter  during  the  past  century  to  browbeat  her. 
Even  Japan  has  done  the  same  in  recent  decades.  For  this  ill 
treatment,  however,  China  is  herself  in  part  at  least  responsible. 

But  China  is  changing.  She  has  discovered  that  she  can 
neither  ignore  nor  exclude  the  white  man.  She  has  decided 
therefore  to  follow  in  the  footsteps  of  Japan,  familiarize  herself 
with  the  secrets  and  methods  of  the  white  man's  civilization 
and  power,  and  then  defend  her  sovereignty  and  demand  her 
rights  in  ways  that  the  white  nations  understand,  respect  and 
heed. 

How  then  shall  America  treat  China  ? 

To  answer  this  question  intelligently  we  need  to  ask  how  we 
have  treated  her  in  the  past  and  how  we  are  treating  her  now. 
What  has  been  and  what  is  our  national  attitude  toward  China, 
and  what  has  been  and  is  her  attitude  toward  us  ? 

The  story  of  our  dealings  with  China  is  as  a  whole  one  of 
which  we  need  not  be  ashamed.  We  have  not  shared  in  the 
aggressive  designs  of  European  peoples.  We  have  not  seized 
her  territory,  bombarded  her  ports,  extracted  indemnities  or  pil- 
laged her  capitals  as  have  other  nations.  On  the  contrary,  we 
have  helped  preserve  her  from  "partition "  at  a  grave  crisis  in 

87 


88  The  Fight  for  Peace 

her  relations  with  western  lands.  We  returned  a  considerable 
part  of  the  Boxer  indemnity  that  came  to  us.  We  have  stood 
for  the  open  door  and  a  square  deal.  Our  consular  courts 
have  been  models  of  probity  and  justice.  The  work  of  our 
missionaries  in  hospitals,  education,  and  in  famine  and  flood 
relief  has  been  highly  appreciated. 

In  consequence  of  such  factors  the  Chinese  as  a  nation  hold 
to-day  a  highly  gratifying  attitude  of  friendship  toward  us.  So 
conspicuous  has  this  friendship  and  preferential  treatment  be- 
come since  the  establishment  of  the  Republic  that  other  nations 
hstve  begun  to  note  it.  In  the  reforms  taking  place  in  China, 
especially  in  her  educational  system,  in  her  political  and  social 
reorganization,  and  in  her  moral  and  religious  awakening,  the 
influence  of  Americans  is  far  beyond  that  exercised  by  any 
other  people. 

A  more  detailed  statement  in  regard  to  the  Boxer  indemnity 
and  also  concerning  the  work  of  missions  will  enforce  the 
above  more  general  remarks. 

During  the  last  decade  of  the  last  century  China  became 
aroused  by  the  encroachments  of  foreign  nations.  Japan  con- 
quered her  in  1895  and  took  away  Port  Arthur.  This  was 
immediately  returned,  however,  because  of  the  concerted  threat 
of  Germany,  Russia  and  France,  who  had  their  own  aggressive 
designs  to  achieve.  Within  three  years  Germany  had  Kiau 
Chau;  Russia,  Port  Arthur;  England,  Weihaiwei;  and  France, 
Kwang  Chau.  Railroad  concessions  and  mining  privileges  were 
being  urgently  demanded  by  foreign  capitalists  and  speculators. 
All  this,  in  addition  to  the  so-called  opium  wars  and  to  various 
other  collisions  with  aggressive  grasping  foreigners,  led  to  that 
extraordinary  politico-hysterical  movement  known  as  the  Boxer 
Rebellion.  It  failed,  the  allied  troops  easily  capturing  Peking 
(1900). 

At  that  juncture  America  befriended  China  in  an  especial 
way.  The  United  States  insisted  that,  appearances  to  the  con- 
trary notwithstanding,  the  Chinese  Government  was  still  in 
existence.     This,  among  other  friendly  acts,  preserved  China 


The  United  States  and  China  89 

at  that  time  from  suffering  "partition  among  the  powers," 
which  partition  had  been  prophesied  and  was  earnestly  desired 
by  many. 

The  allies  imposed  an  indemnity  on  China,  ostensibly  to 
cover  expenses,  but  really  to  teach  China  to  fear  the  conse- 
quences of  meddling  with  the  white  man's  "rights."  It 
amounted  altogether  to  more  than  1^687,000,000.  America's 
share  was  above  $24,000,000,  with  interest  at  four  per  cent., 
to  be  paid  off  in  installments,  the  final  payment  to  be  made  in 
1940.  Finding,  in  1908,  that  this  sum  was  far  more  than  the 
combined  expenses  of  the  Peking  expedition  and  the  losses 
of  American  citizens  caused  by  the  Boxer  uprising,  the  United 
States  arranged  that  the  annual  installments  should  be  dimin- 
ished by  definite  sums.  The  total  thus  remitted  year  by  year 
will  amount  by  1940  to  more  than  1^39, 000,000. 

Now  this  act  of  mere  international  justice  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States  has  had  a  wonderful  effect  on  China.  It  has 
produced  an  astonishing  attitude  of  friendship  and  confidence. 
The  Chinese  Government  decided  at  once  to  utilize  the  amounts 
annually  remitted  as  a  fund  with  which  to  send  Chinese  stu- 
dents to  America.  This  policy,  inaugurated  by  the  Chinese 
Imperial  Government,  has  been  continued  by  the  Republic. 
There  are  now  (December,  191 4)  studying  in  our  higher  insti- 
tutions of  learning  some  five  hundred  Chinese  youth.  The 
first  group  of  sixteen  Chinese  young  women  to  come  over  on 
this  remitted  Boxer  indemnity  arrived  in  September,  19 14. 

The  friendship  of  Chinese  for  America  is  also  in  part  due 
to  the  wide-spread  missionary  work  of  Americans  in  China. 
There  are  to-day  in  that  land  some  5,200  Protestant  mission- 
aries of  whom  two-fifths  are  Americans,  Missionary  work  in 
China  has  been  in  progress  for  a  century  with  constantly  grow- 
ing volume  and  power.  Missionaries  have  not  only  preached 
the  gospel,  but  they  have  established  schools,  built  hospitals, 
published  papers,  and  in  times  of  flood,  famine,  or  epidemic 
have  patiently,  courageously  and  honestly  administered  large 
sums  in  relief  work.     These  varied  activities,  with  many  other 


90  The  Fight  for  Peace 

influences,  have  finally  won  a  remarkable  victory  over  indiffer- 
ence, suspicion  and  opposition.  Chinese  respect  for  and  con- 
fidence in  the  white  man,  especially  in  the  American,  and 
China's  desire  to  utilize  the  best  of  his  civilization,  have  made 
rapid  strides  the  past  decade.  This  movement  has  been  re- 
enforced  by  the  sight  of  "  pigmy  "  Japan  victorious  over  gigan- 
tic Russia,  victorious  because  Japan  for  forty  years  had  been 
learning  from  the  West.  Abandoning,  therefore,  her  ancient 
system  of  classical  education  and  taking  up  Occidental  science, 
mathematics  and  history,  China  is  looking,  in  part  at  least,  to 
mission  schools,  and  to  Chinese  trained  in  them,  to  teach  her. 
Certain  provinces  in  the  north  where  missionaries  were  killed 
and  thousands  of  native  Christians  were  massacred  in  1900 
have  recently  placed  the  care  of  their  entire  educational  system 
in  the  hands  of  missionaries.  Even  in  matters  of  law  and 
diplomacy  New  China  is  looking  to  America  more  than  to  any 
other  country. 

All  this  is  certainly  reassuring.  But  how  long  may  we  ex- 
pect to  retain  China's  gratitude,  appreciation  and  friendship  ? 
For  a  forecast,  we  need  to  ask  ourselves  how  we  are  treating 
Chinese  in  America. 

When  we  turn  to  the  story  of  what  many  Chinese  have  suf- 
fered here,  our  cheeks  tingle  with  shame.  The  story  would  be 
incredible  were  it  not  overwhelmingly  verified  by  ample  docu- 
mentary evidence.^  Treaties  have  pledged  rights,  immunities 
and  protection.  They  have,  nevertheless,  been  disregarded 
and  even  knowingly  invaded ;  and  this  not  only  by  private  in- 
dividuals, but  by  legislators  and  administrative  officials. 
Scores  of  Chinese  have  been  murdered,  hundreds  wounded  and 
thousands  robbed  by  anti-Asiatic  mobs,  with  no  protection  for 
the  victims  or  punishment  for  the  culprits.     State  legislatures, 

^  The  student  of  American  Chinese  relations  should  familiarize  himself 
with  Prof.  M.  R.  Coolidge's  volume  entitled  "  Chinese  Immigration." 
Especially  should  the  significance  of  the  facts  be  pondered  that  are  pre- 
sented in  the  chapters  dealing  with  the  enactment  of  restriction  laws  and 
with  the  treatment  of  Chinese. 


The  United  States  and  China  91 

and  even  Congress,  have  enacted  laws  in  contravention  of  treaty 
provisions.  Men  appointed  to  federal  executive  of&ces  have  at 
times  administered  those  laws  and  regulations  in  highly  offen- 
sive methods. 

Throughout  this  entire  period  of  over  half  a  century  Chris- 
tian churches,  nevertheless,  that  were  sending  their  mission- 
aries and  relief  funds  to  China  took  no  active  part  in  securing 
legislative  and  political  protection  for  Chinese  lawfully  in  this 
land.     This  is  one  of  the  amazing  anomalies  of  our  times. 

Let  us  consider  briefly  some  of  the  details  of  the  situation. 
It  will  be  well  to  premise  that  all  in  all  Chinese  in  America 
have  not  been  treated  badly.  In  general  they  have  received 
police  protection ;  their  lives  have  been  safe ;  they  have  been 
able  to  carry  on  successful  business.  So  attractive  to  them  is 
the  opportunity  of  life  here  that  they  have  stayed  on  and  every 
year  not  a  few  succeed  in  smuggling  their  way  into  our  land. 
The  dark  picture  about  to  be  sketched,  accordingly,  is  not  to 
be  understood  as  describing  the  regular  features  of  Chinese 
experience. 

Adequately  to  appreciate  the  full  significance  of  our  anti- 
Chinese  legislation  we  must  begin  the  story  with  a  few  quota- 
tions from  the  treaties  by  which  America  invited  Chinese  to 
this  country. 

Article  V  of  the  treaty  of  1868  reads  in  part : 

**  The  United  States  of  America  and  the  Emperor  of  China 
cordially  recognize  the  inherent  and  inalienable  right  of  man  to 
change  his  home  and  allegiance  and  also  the  mutual  advantage  of 
the  free  migration  and  emigration  of  their  citizens  and  subjects 
respectively  ...  for  purposes  of  curiosity,  trade  or  as  per- 
manent residents." 

But  Article  VI,  after  promising  reciprocal  **  most  favored 
nation  "  enjoyment  of  "  privileges,  immunities  and  exemptions," 
adds  that  this  does  not  "  confer  naturalization "  upon  their 
respective  citizens.  This  clause  doubtless  meant  that  the  mere 
fact  of  residence  in  the  other's  land  did  not  of  itself  alone  carry 


g2  The  Fight  for  Peace 

citizenship  in  that  land.  For  up  till  1880  a  few  Chinese  were 
granted  naturalization  in  the  United  States.  In  harmony  with 
the  provisions  of  this  treaty  considerable  Chinese  immigration 
into  the  United  States  occurred  during  the  sixth  and  seventh 
decades  of  the  last  century. 

Anti-Chinese  agitation  soon  developed  in  the  Pacific  Coast 
states.  Growing  violent  in  the  seventies,  it  led  to  the  sending 
of  a  Commission  to  China  which  negotiated  the  supplementary 
treaty  of  1880. 

The  principal  provisions  of  this  treaty  are  as  follows  : 

Article  I  provides  that  "the  Government  of  the  United 
States  may  regulate,  limit  or  suspend  such  coming  or  residence 
(of  Chinese  laborers),  but  may  not  absolutely  prohibit  it.  The 
limitation  or  suspension  shall  be  reasonable  and  shall  apply 
only  to    .     .     .     laborers." 

Article  II  provides  that  **  Chinese  laborers  who  are  now  in 
the  United  States  shall  be  allowed  to  go  and  come  of  their  own 
free  will  and  accord,  and  shall  be  accorded  all  the  rights, 
privileges,  immunities,  and  exemptions  which  are  accorded  to 
citizens  and  subjects  of  the  most  favored  nation." 

Article  III  provides  that  in  case  of  ill  treatment  the  "  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States  will  exert  all  its  power  to  devise 
measures  for  their  protection  and  to  secure  to  them  the  same 
rights,  privileges,  immunities  and  exemptions  as  may  be  enjoyed 
by  citizens  or  subjects  of  the  most  favored  nation,  and  to  which 
they  are  entitled  by  treaty." 

Article  IV  provides  that  legislative  measures  dealing  with 
Chinese  shall  be  "  communicated  to  the  Government  of  China," 
and  if  found  *'  to  work  hardship  upon  the  subjects  of  China, 
consultations  shall  be  held  to  the  end  that  mutual  and  unquali- 
fied benefit  may  result." 

In  spite,  however,  of  the  complete  cessation  of  Chinese  labor 
immigration,  and  in  spite  of  the  promises  of  our  Government 
to  provide  protection,  "  and  most  favored  nation  treatment,"  the 
unjust  and  disgraceful  treatment  of  Chinese  did  not  cease.  The 
outrages  committed  on  the  Chinese  during  the  eighties  were 


The  United  States  and  China  93 

even  more  frightful  and  inexcusable  than  those  of  the  preceding 
decade. 

In  his  discussion  of  the  question  whether  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment should  protect  aliens  in  their  treaty  rights,'  Ex-Presi- 
dent William  H.  Taft  cites  the  cases  of  fifty  Chinamen  who 
suffered  death  at  the  hands  of  American  mobs  in  our  Western 
States,  and  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  others,  many  of  whom 
were  wounded  and  robbed  of  all  their  property.  The  list  does 
not  profess  to  be  complete.  All  these  outrages  have  occurred 
since  1885. 

"  In  an  official  note  of  February  15,  1886,  riots  were  reported 
at  Bloomfield,  Redding,  Boulder  Creek,  Eureka  and  other  towns 
in  California,  involving  murder,  arson  and  robbery,  and  it  was 
added  that  thousands  of  Chinese  had  been  driven  frotn  their 
homes." 

None  of  the  criminals  were  punished  in  spite  of  the  article 
in  the  treaty  which  expressly  provides  that  in  case  "Chinese 
laborers  meet  with  ill  treatment  at  the  hand  of  other  persons,  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  will  exert  all  its  power  to  de- 
vise measures  for  their  protection  and  secure  to  them  the  same 
rights,  privileges,  immunities,  and  exemptions  as  may  be  enjoyed 
by  citizens  or  subjects  of  the  most  favored  nation  and  to  which 
they  are  entitled  by  treaty."  Congress,  it  is  true,  has  voted 
indemnities  for  families  of  those  murdered,  but  financial  re- 
muneration can  hardly  be  supposed  to  take  the  place  of  justice 
or  to  be  a  substitute  for  observance  of  treaty  pledges. 

It  is  sometimes  said  that  Italians  and  other  aliens  suffered 
similarly  from  mob  violence  and  they  too  were  not  protected, 
nor  were  the  criminals  involved  punished,  and  that  therefore 
China  cannot  complain  of  exceptional  treatment.  But  is  it  not 
obvious  that  failure  of  the  United  States  to  fulfill  its  treaty 
pledges  to  Italy  and  other  countries  in  no  wise  justifies  similar 
failure  toward  China?  Does  it  not  rather  show  that  the  United 
States  is  morally  culpable  for  making  treaty  promises  for  the 
fulfillment  of  which  it  makes  no  provision  ?     This  moral  and 

*..Cf.  "  The  United  States  and  Peace,"  Charles  Scribner's  Sons,  1914. 


g/\,  The  Fight  for  Peace 

legal  defect  has  become  most  conspicuous  in  our  relations  to 
China,  but  its  moral  culpability  is  in  no  wise  lessened — rather 
it  is  aggravated — as  soon  as  it  becomes  clear  that  the  defect  is 
entirely  due  to  the  failure  of  the  necessary  Congressional  action 
for  which  provision  is  made  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States. 

The  failure  of  Congress  seems  inexcusable  for  it  has  found 
time  to  enact  not  only  the  first  general  exclusion  law  in  harmony 
with  the  treaty  with  China,  but  also  several  supplementary 
laws,  of  which  important  clauses  are  admittedly  in  contraven- 
tion to  the  treaty. 

The  Scott  Law  of  i888  and  the  Geary  Law  of  1892  are  still 
in  force,  though  the  essential  injustice  of  some  of  their  provisions 
and  their  disregard  of  Chinese  treaty  rights  are  now  recognized. 
They  are  producing  constant  anti-American  feeling  among 
Chinese  legitimately  in  America.  Even  in  cosmopolitan  New 
York  and  in  Boston  Chinese  sometimes  suffer  from  the  senseless 
and  brutal  methods  of  federal  officers  who  supervise  Chinese 
residents  in  the  United  States. 

With  regard  to  the  Scott  Law  Senator  Sherman  said  that  it 
was  "one  of  the  most  vicious  laws  that  have  passed  in  my  time 
in  Congress."  It  was  passed  as  a  "mere  political  race  between 
the  two  houses  ...  in  the  face  of  a  Presidential  elec- 
tion." Senator  Dawes  sarcastically  referred  to  keeping  the 
treaties  as  long  as  we  had  a  mind  to.  The  law  was  "  a  rank 
unblushing  repudiation  of  every  treaty  obligation  .  .  .  un- 
warranted by  any  existing  danger — a  violation  such  as  the 
United  States  would  not  dare  to  commit  toward  any  warlike 
nation  of  Europe."  ^ 

With  regard  to  the  Geary  Law  Professor  Coolidge  makes  the 
following  statement : 

"  Meanwhile  the  Chinese  Minister  at  Washington,  the  Consul- 
General  at  San  Francisco  and  the  Yamen  at  Peking  were  also  pro- 
testing against  the  act.     The  Chinese  Minister  had  steadily  protested 

*"  Chinese  Immigration,"  pp.  216-217. 


The  United  States  and  China  95 

ever  since  the  Scott  Act  against  the  plain  violation  of  treaty ;  just 
preceding  the  Geary  Act  he  wrote  six  letters  to  Mr.  Blaine  only 
two  of  which  were  so  much  as  acknowledged.  He  now  declared 
that  the  Geary  Act  was  worse  than  the  Scott  Act,  for  it  not  only 
violated  every  single  article  of  the  treaty  of  1880  but  also  denied 
bail,  required  white  witnesses,  allowed  arrest  without  warrant  and 
put  the  burden  of  proof  on  the  Chinese.  He  quoted  our  own 
statesmen  on  the  harsh  and  hasty  character  of  the  act,  not  required 
by  any  existing  emergency,  whose  political  motive  was  well  under- 
stood both  in  China  and  the  United  States,  In  his  final  protest 
he  said:  *  The  statute  of  1892  is  a  violation  of  every  principle 
of  justice,  equity,  reason  and  fair-dealing  between  two  friendly 
powers.* " 

The  history  of  anti-Chinese  legislation  as  it  has  been  carried 
through  Congress  under  the  pressure  of  legislators  from  the 
Pacific  Coast  states  from  the  seventh  decade  of  the  last  cen- 
tury, even  down  to  the  present,  and  the  way  in  which  the 
Asiatic  problem  has  been  made  the  "  football  of  party  politics  " 
are  ill  omens  for  the  future  relations  of  America  with  the 
Orient.  That  legislation  has  violated  plain  provisions  of  the 
treaties,  to  say  nothing  of  the  spirit,  and  has  disregarded 
courteous  protests  of  Chinese  ministers  and  ambassadors.  China 
sent  in  a  "stream  of  dignified  and  ineffectual  protests  which 
has  continued  to  the  present  time."  The  Chinese  Minister 
even  charged  us  with  duplicity  in  negotiating  the  treaty  of  1880. 
"  Mr.  Bayard  assured  him  that  the  President  would  veto  any 
legislation  which  might  be  passed  in  violation  of  the  treaty."  * 

Still  more  surprising  and  also  discouraging  is  the  act  of  Con- 
gress of  1902.  It  then  enacted  a  law  in  flat  contradiction  to 
the  express  terms  of  our  treaty.     Let  me  specify. 

The  treaty  states  that  "  The  United  States  may  regulate,  limit 
or  suspend  such  coming  or  residence  (of  Chinese  labor  immigra- 
tion) but  may  not  absolutely  prohibit  it.  The  limitation  or  sus- 
pension shall  be  reasonable."  Congress,  nevertheless,  after 
providing  in   1882  and  in  1892  for  two  periods  of  a  decade 

1 "  Chinese  Immigration,"  pp.  209-233. 


96  The  Fight  for  Peace 

each  for  the  temporary  suspension  of  Chinese  labor  immigra- 
tion, enacted  in  1902  that  "All  laws  regulating,  suspending 
or  prohibiting  the  coming  of  Chinese  persons  ...  are 
hereby  reenacted,  extended  and  continued,  without  modifica- 
tion, limitation  or  condition.^* 

If  the  action  of  Congress  has  been  disheartening,  that  of  the 
Supreme  Court  has  been  still  more  so,  for  it  sustained  (1888) 
the  action  of  Congress  (the  Scott  Act  of  1888)  in  clear  con- 
travention of  a  still  standing  treaty  (that  of  1880),  admitting 
that  it  was  a  contravention  of  the  treaty. 

Judge  Field,  who  presented  the  judgment  of  the  court,  said : 
"  It  must  be  conceded  that  the  act  of  1888  is  in  contravention 
of  the  treaty  of  1868  and  of  the  supplemental  treaty  of  1880, 
but  it  is  not  on  that  account  invalid.  .  .  .  It  (a  treaty) 
can  be  deemed  .  .  .  only  the  equivalent  of  a  legislative 
act,  to  be  repealed  or  modified  at  the  pleasure  of  Congress. 
.  .  .  It  is  the  last  expression  of  sovereign  will  and  must 
control^  "The  question  whether  our  government  was  justi- 
fied in  disregarding  its  engagements  with  another  nation  is  not 
one  for  the  determination  of  the  courts.  .  .  .  This  court 
is  not  a  censor  of  the  morals  of  the  other  departments  of  the 
government."  * 

This  makes  it  clear  that  a  treaty  is  not  the  "  supreme  law  of 
the  land,"  except  as  Congress  makes  it  so.  Any  subsequent 
act  of  Congress  can  repeal  or  amend  any  part  of  a  treaty  with- 
out the  consent  of  the  other  party  to  the  treaty,  and  even  with- 
out conference.  Treaties  are  declared  by  this  decision  to  have 
no  binding  power  upon  Congress.  The  Supreme  Court  de- 
clines to  take  note  of  the  moral  obligations  of  treaty  pledges. 
Aliens  deprived  by  Congress  of  rights  promised  by  treaties, 
though  still  acknowledged  as  valid,  may  not  appeal  to  the 
Supreme  Court  for  the  enforcement  of  those  rights.  The  Ad- 
ministration can  use  the  entire  military  force  of  the  country  to 
make  a  foreign  nation  keep  its  promises  to  us,  but,  according  to 
the  interpretation  of  our  Constitution  now  prevailing,  neither  the 
» 130  U.  S.,  p.  600. 


The  United  States  and  China  97 

Administration  nor  the  Supreme  Court  can  take  even  legal 
steps  to  hold  Congress  to  the  observance  of  treaty  pledges. 
The  President  has  of  course  the  power  to  veto  an  act  of  Con- 
gress, but  experience  shows  that  even  Presidents  do  not  always 
regard  treaties  as  binding,  for  all  the  treaty  ignoring  laws  of 
recent  decades  have  been  signed  by  the  Presidents  then  in 
office. 

Dr.  Bernhard  Dernburg,  defending  Germany's  invasion  of 
Belgium,  argues  that  the  Utiited  States  takes  the  same  attitude 
toward  treaties  as  does  Germany,  and  cites  this  very  decision 
of  the  Supreme  Court  rendered  by  Judge  Field.  If  we  main- 
tain that  the  United  States  was  justified  in  its  disregard  of  our 
treaty  with  China,  what  right  have  we  to  condemn  Germany 
for  its  disregard  of  its  treaty  with  Belgium  ?  The  degree  of 
the  consequences  indeed  differ  enormously,  but  are  not  the 
moral  issues  identical  ? 

If  the  faithful  observance  of  treaties  between  the  nations  of 
Europe  constitutes  the  very  foundation  of  civilization,  as  we  are 
now  vehemently  told — and  this  is  said  to  be  the  real  reason 
why  Great  Britain  is  in  the  war — is  not  the  faithful  observance 
of  treaties  with  Asiatics  the  foundation  of  right  relations  with 
them?  In  other  words,  do  not  treaties  ratified  by  Congress 
have  moral  aspects  which  should  place  them  on  a  higher  level 
of  authority  than  the  ordinary  acts  of  Congress  f  The  dis- 
regard by  Congress  and  the  Supreme  Court  of  this  fundamental 
principle  for  the  maintenance  of  right  international  relations  is 
fraught  with  ominous  consequences.  Congress  of  course  has 
the  right  to  abrogate  a  treaty,  but  there  is  a  right  and  also  a 
wrong  way  to  do  it.  Is  it  any  more  right  for  a  nation  to  abro- 
gate an  inconvenient  treaty  by  simply  passing  laws  in  con- 
travention to  certain  of  its  pledges  than  it  is  for  an  individual 
who  has  made  a  promise  to  another  individual  giving  quid  pro 
quo  suddenly  and  without  conference  to  ignore  that  promise  ? 
Is  it  conceivable  that  Congress  would  have  treated  China  as  it 
has,  had  she  been  equipped  as  Japan  is  to-day  with  the  instru- 
ments of  Occidental  civilization  ? 


98  The  Fight  for  Peace 

The  latest  infringement  of  Chinese  treaty  rights  is  California's 
Alien  Land  Law  (May,  1913).  It  was  designed  particularly 
to  hit  the  Japanese.  But  it  hits  Chinese  no  less  effectively.  It 
provides  many  important  privileges  for  aliens  "  eligible  for 
citizenship  in  the  United  States."  The  privileges  of  other 
aliens,  however,  are  strictly  limited.  They  may  enjoy  such  as 
are  specified  "  in  the  manner,  to  the  extent  and  for  the  purpose 
prescribed  by  any  treaty  now  existing  .  .  .  and  not  other- 
wise." It  can  hardly  be  maintained  that  this  law  intends  to 
grant  any  aliens  ineligible  for  citizenship  "most  favored  na- 
tion "  treatment,  even  though  provided  by  the  treaty.  Chinese 
in  California  were  so  incensed  by  this  law  that  they  petitioned 
their  government  to  refuse  to  participate  in  the  Panama-Pacific 
Exposition. 

In  spite,  moreover,  of  the  pledge  of  our  government  to 
"exert  all  its  power  to  devise  measures  for  their  (Chinese) 
protection  and  to  secure  them  the  same  rights  and  privileges 
.  .  .  as  may  be  enjoyed  by  citizens  of  the  most  favored 
nation,"  our  government  after  trying  moral  suasion  on  Cali- 
fornia excuses  itself  from  further  effort  on  the  ground  that  the 
Federal  Government  cannot  interfere  with  state  rights,  ap- 
parently unconscious  of  the  fact  that  there  are  other  methods 
for  solving  this  problem  that  would  not  invade  the  rights  of 
states.  A  later  chapter  will  outline  a  program  by  which  I  be- 
lieve the  essential  rights  of  California  can  be  conserved  and 
also  those  of  Asia.  Were  China  and  the  United  States  in 
reversed  positions,  no  such  excuses  would  be  either  suggested 
or  tolerated. 

Now  when  the  Chinese  people  learn  these  facts,  and  when 
they  discover  that  even  the  churches  of  America  which  for  a 
century  have  been  sending  missionaries  to  China  to  teach  them 
the  gospel  of  love  and  truth  and  righteousness  have  not  made 
one  vigorous  protest  or  any  sustained  effort  to  have  the  Ameri- 
can Government  keep  its  treaties,  fulfill  its  promises  or  enforce 
the  laws  protecting  Chinese,  can  Chinese  friendship  for  and 
confidence  in  us  be  maintained  ?    Is  it  not  certain  that  when 


The  United  States  and  China  99 

China  as  a  whole  learns  these  things,  Chinese  friendship  and 
admiration  will  cease,  and,  serious  possibilities  arise  ? 

What  now  shall  we  do  ?  To  see  clearly  what  our  duty  is, 
let  us  realize  a  little  more  fully  what  is  involved. 

For  ages  China  was  so  vast,  preponderant,  self-sufficient  and 
self-satisfied  that  she  simply  ignored  the  white  man  when  he 
appeared  on  her  horizon.  Her  haughty  manners  and  methods 
incensed  him  deeply.  Even  the  war  by  which  England 
practically  forced  opium  on  China  did  not  apparently  disturb 
her  much. 

But  when  port  after  port  was  taken  by  foreign  powers,  and 
even  an  entire  province,  as  when  Germany  took  Kiau  Chau 
(1897)  for  the  killing  of  two  missionaries;  and  when  Russia 
took  Port  Arthur  (1897),  and  England  Weihaiwei,  and  France 
Kwang  Chau,  "to  preserve  the  balance,"  and  when  foreigners 
were  clamoring  for  and  gaining  mining  rights  and  railroad 
concessions  throughout  China,  Chinese  began  to  realize  that 
something  must  be  done,  or  they  would  soon  cease  to  exist  as 
a  self-governing  people. 

China's  first  reaction  was  like  Japan's  (1620),  namely,  a 
policy  of  expulsion.  That  brought  on  the  Boxer  uprising 
(1900).  It  was,  however,  too  late.  The  armies  of  the  allies 
relieved  Peking  and  proved  to  China  that  the  white  man  and 
Western  civilization  could  neither  be  excluded  nor  ignored. 

After  a  few  years  of  vacillation,  confusion,  turmoil  and 
revolution,  came  Japan's  victory  over  Russia  (1905),  which 
announced  to  the  world  that  an  Asiatic  race  can  hold  its  own 
against  the  white  man  and  that  the  way  by  which  to  do  it  is  to 
learn  what  the  white  race  knows.     China  listened  and  learned. 

One  month  after  Japan  made  peace  with  Russia,  China 
abolished  her  system  of  classical  education,  over  2,000  years 
old,  and  started  on  the  new  policy.  Since  then  China  has 
been  introducing  Western  education.  Western  science.  Western 
political  life  at  a  tremendous  rate.  The  Manchu  dynasty  is 
gone.  The  characteristic  Chinese  queue  is  gone  from  large 
sections  of  China.     We  now  have  the  beginnings  of  a  new 


100  The  Fight  for  Peace 

China,  ambitious,  energetic,  resourceful,  progressive  and  be- 
coming self-conscious.  Her  young  men  are  in  all  the  capitals 
of  Christendom  learning  Western  ways.  As  a  short  cut  to 
Western  knowledge,  tens  of  thousands  of  Chinese  students  have 
studied  in  Japan. 

Some  decades  will  doubtless  be  needed  before  China  will 
reach  the  stage  of  Occidentalization  already  reached  by  Japan. 
But  that  she  will  get  there  is  as  certain  as  the  rising  of  the  sun. 

China  is  awaking.  She  is  following  in  the  footsteps  of 
Japan,  convinced  by  Japan's  victory  over  Russia  that  the  only 
way  to  meet  the  aggressive  white  peril  is  to  do  what  Japan  has 
done — learn  the  secrets  of  the  white  man's  power,  master 
modern  civilization,  and  then,  arming  with  the  white  man's 
weapons,  defend  herself  from  the  white  man's  aggressions  and 
defy  his  arrogance. 

Asiatic  acquisition,  however,  of  Occidental  civilization,  and 
especially  of  its  armaments,  is  the  beginning  of  vast  interracial 
military  competition,  ending  doubtless  in  conflicts,  whose  re- 
sults no  one  can  foresee.  Incalculable  waste  of  wealth  and 
destruction  of  life  will  be  inevitable,  if  the  militarism  of  Europe 
is  taken  up  by  every  people  of  Asia.  To-day's  tragedy  in 
Europe  suggests  what  must  eventually  come  when  every  im- 
portant nation  in  the  East  as  well  is  equally  prepared  by 
military  might  either  to  defend  its  rights,  its  honor  and  its  ex- 
istence against  supposed  or  real  aggressions,  or  possibly  to 
enter  upon  courses  of  ambitious  expansion  and  of  punitive 
retaliation. 

During  his  eventful  career  Emperor  William  has  been  guilty 
of  not  a  few  unfortunate  utterances.  Among  them  all,  how- 
ever, none  is  more  keenly  resented  by  Orientals  and  none  has 
had  more  effect  in  arousing  Oriental  antipathy  for  the  white 
man  than  his  famous  "mailed  fist"  speech  on  sending  his 
brother  Prince  Henry  to  the  Far  East  to  avenge  the  death  of 
two  missionaries.  **  If  any  one  dares  interfere  with  our  rights, 
at  them  with  the  mailed  fist,"  he  is  reported  to  have  said.  The 
result  of  that  expedition  was  German  possession  of  Kiau  Chau. 


The  United  States  and  China  loi 

And  not  long  after,  on  despatching  German  troops  to  take  part 
in  the  China  expedition  in  1900,  the  Emperor  personally  ad- 
dressed them  in  these  words : 

**  When  you  meet  the  foe  you  will  defeat  them.  No  quarter 
will  be  given ;  no  prisoners  will  be  taken.  Let  all  who  fall  into 
your  hands  be  at  your  mercy.  Just  as  the  Huns  a  thousand  years 
ago,  under  the  leadership  of  Atdla,  gained  a  reputarion  in  virtue 
of  which  they  sdll  live  in  historical  tradition,  so  may  the  name  of 
Germany  become  known  in  such  a  manner  in  China  that  no  China- 
man will  ever  again  dare  to  look  askance  at  a  German." 

Japanese  no  less  than  Chinese  resent  this  utterance  of  a  "Chris- 
tian "  Emperor,  and  quote  it  in  discussions  dealing  with  the 
causes  of  the  war.  ^ 

The  problem  confronting  those  who  seek  world-peace,  there- 
fore, is  not  one  that  is  limited  to  Christendom.  It  includes 
Asia,  with  one-half  the  world's  population.  The  problem  for 
peace  advocates,  so  far  as  it  concerns  Asia,  is  to  devise  some 
method  whereby  Asia  may  receive  such  just  and  honorable 
treatment  by  the  white  nations  that  she  will  feel  no  need  of 
adopting  Occidental  militarism.  Japan  did  not  receive  that 
treatment.  She  discovered  that  only  by  mastering  Occidental 
military  and  naval  science  could  she  meet  and  hold  back  the 
white  man.  Is  China  to  be  forced  by  the  white  nations  along  the 
same  road  ?  The  arguments  and  proposals  of  the  United  States 
Navy  League  cannot  fail  to  evoke  suspicion  in  China  and  to 
promote  militarism  there.  "  Upon  the  800,000,000  yellow  and 
brown  men  of  Asia,"  it  declares,  "  is  now  dawning  a  similar 
age  of  electricity  and  steam  and  easy  communication.  .  .  . 
The  Monroe  Doctrine  is  only  as  strong  as  the  United  States 
navy."  So  threatening  does  the  Navy  League  regard  the 
Asiatic  menace ! 

A  navy  consisting  of  forty-eight  "capital"  (all-big-gun) 
ships  instead  of  the  present  number — eight  (building,  five) — 
is  being  seriously  proposed.  In  proportion  as  China  is  threat- 
ened, or  is  even  supposed  to  be  threatened,  and  in  propor- 


102  The  Fight  for  Peace 

tion  as  Chinese  in  the  land  of  white  men  are  refused  the 
rights  and  the  courtesy  accorded  to  men  regarded  as  equals, 
she  will  inevitably  feel  compelled  to  arm.  And  in  pro- 
portion as  China  arms,  white  nations  will  suspect  and  fear 
her.  We  shall  feel  compelled,  not  only  to  keep  up  our  arma- 
ments, but  to  increase  and  maintain  them  at  a  point  assuring 
supremacy.  This  is  the  definite  proposal  of  the  Navy  League. 
Thus  will  militarism,  with  its  international  hatred,  suspicion 
and  distrust,  and  with  its  spies,  lies  and  intrigue,  be  fastened 
upon  the  whole  world.  And  the  more  we  arm,  the  more  will 
they  think  it  necessary  for  them  to  arm.  Who  can  foresee  the 
end  ? 

The  problem,  therefore,  to  be  solved  is  this :  How  to  secure 
for  Christendom  that  attitude  toward  and  that  treatment  of 
Asia  and  of  Asiatics  as  shall  make  it  needless  for  them  to  arm  ? 
There  is  only  one  possible  and  real  solution.  It  is  the  consist- 
ent and  persistent  application  of  the  Golden  Rule  in  inter- 
national politics.  We  must  deal  with  Asiatics  on  a  basis  of 
justice  and  good- will,  doing  to  them  as  we  would  have  them 
do  to  us.  But  what  Western  nation  will  adopt  so  unselfish  an 
international  method  ?  And  who  are  the  individuals  or  the 
organizations  among  us  that  will  insist  upon  it,  unless  it  be 
Christian  citizens  ?  If  they  do  not,  what  hope  is  there  for  the 
world  ?  The  past  of  the  churches,  it  is  true,  in  regard  to  war, 
does  not  give  much  ground  for  hope.  Thank  God,  however, 
the  past  is  past ;  we  are  living  in  a  new  era.  The  Christian 
conscience  is  awaking.  Not  only  has  science  given  us  a  new 
physical,  social  and  political  world,  and  a  new  understanding 
of  the  past  and  new  ambitions  for  the  future,  but  the  moral 
forces  of  Christianity  are  gaining  new  vigor.  The  tragedy  in 
Europe,  moreover,  is  giving  us  a  new  vision  of  international 
responsibilities  and  duties,  a  new  sense  of  world  solidarity,  of 
possible  world-disaster,  and  of  need  of  world -remedy.  There  is 
good  ground  for  hopefulness. 

What  then  shall  we  do  ?  First,  all  Christian  citizens  must 
be  aroused  to  their  national  and  international  responsibilities. 


The  United  States  and  China  103 

In  addition  they  must  be  organized  adequately  for  persistent 
aggressive  campaigns  through  continuous  decades.  This  is  an 
opportune  time  for  such  an  appeal.  American  Christians  must 
make  American  international  policy  positively  Christian. 
These  are  the  general  principles ;  but  what  in  particular  shall 
the  churches  do  in  regard  to  China? 

I.  First  of  all,  treaty  obligations  must  be  metj  officials 
who  deal  with  Chinese  in  America  must  be  just  and  courteous. 
Even  though  Chinese  are  guilty  of  breaking  our  laws,  they  are 
to  be  dealt  with  righteously  and  courteously.  How  are  these 
requirements  to  be  secured?  Resolutions  passed  by  ministerial 
conferences  or  general  assemblies  merely  urging  Congress  and 
administrators  to  observe  treaties  will  not  suffice.  Responsible 
Christian  citizens  must  investigate  the  situation,  find  out  the  facts, 
formulate  a  definite  Christian  policy  and  the  needed  legislation, 
present  it  to  Congress,  to  state  legislatures,  to  the  country,  and 
especially  to  Christians  all  over  the  land,  and  then  at  the 
opportune  moment  secure  nation-wide  demand  for  righteous 
legislation.  If  legislators  fail  us,  they  must  be  put  down  at  the 
polls  and  men  sent  up  who  will  enact  into  law  righteous  inter- 
national policies.  The  matter,  moreover,  must  be  followed  up 
after  proper  legislation  has  been  secured.  The  actual  practice 
of  officials  in  every  city  and  port  of  entry  must  be  investigated ; 
officials  (a  small  minority  no  doubt)  who  transgress  the  require- 
ments of  the  laws,  dealing  unjustly  or  even  harshly  with  Chi- 
nese, must  be  dropped  and  men  put  into  office  who  will  carry 
out  the  spirit  of  our  Christian  policy.  Why  should  not  im- 
migration officials  who  deal  constantly  with  Chinese  be  men 
able  to  speak  their  language?  Why  should  they  not  be 
friendly  with  them  ?  Should  not  discourtesy  be  a  ground  for 
dismissal  as  well  as  incompetence  in  other  respects  ? 

The  "  practical "  politician  will,  of  course,  laugh  at  these 
suggestions  as  **  Utopian " ;  they  are  nevertheless  the  only 
methods  really  practical.  And,  what  is  more,  they  can  be 
carried  out  if  Christian  citizens  demand  it  and  adopt  common- 
sense  organized  methods  and  stick  to  their  job  to  the  end. 


104  The  Fight  for  Peace 

a.  The  perplexing  problems  raised  by  Asiatic  immigration 
to  white  men's  lands  I  consider  later  (Chapter  XIV),  This, 
however,  may  be  said  at  once ;  I  by  no  means  advocate  free 
Asiatic  immigration.  Rather  1  propose  strict  limitation.  The 
only  policy  permanently  satisfactory  will  be  one  that  not  only 
does  justice  to  Asiatics  but  that  also  conserves  our  distinctive 
American  institutions,  and  recognizes  and  provides  for  the 
rights  of  white  labor  in  our  own  lands.  We  must  find  some 
method  of  dealing  with  Asiatic  immigration  that  does  full  jus- 
tice both  to  our  own  Pacific  Coast  states  and  also  to  our  Asiatic 
neighbors. 

3.  Our  statesmen,  moreover,  should  be  directed  to  seek  out 
practical  methods  of  helping  China  in  matters  of  education,  of 
industry,  and  of  beneficial  international  relations.  For  this 
purpose  our  government  might  well  appropriate  a  substantial 
sum  yearly.  In  addition  to  those  students  who  come  to  Amer- 
ica on  the  remitted  Boxer  indemnity,  let  Congress  provide 
scholarship  aid  for,  say  two  hundred  Chinese  students  each 
year,  to  be  supported  by  genuine  American  funds.  Let  Con- 
gress also  provide  for  scholarships  for  American  students  in 
China. 

4.  Still  further,  American  statesmen  and  ambassadors  should 
be  instructed  to  approach  each  of  the  European  powers  with  a 
view  to  securing  from  them  assurances  in  regard  to  the  permanent 
integrity  and  independence  of  China.  International  plans 
should  be  made  and  agreements  entered  upon  at  an  early  date 
for  the  return  to  China  by  the  European  powers  of  all  the 
sections  of  her  territory  that  have  been  taken  from  her. 
Naturally,  this  return  must  be  arranged  for  in  such  wise  that 
injury  shall  not  be  done  to  private  individuals.  Such  return 
can,  of  course,  be  effected  only  when  China  is  prepared  to  ad- 
minister these  "concessions"  with  justice  and  equity  to  all. 
But  the  knowledge  on  the  part  of  China  that  the  Powers  are 
ready  to  return  these  ports  and  provinces  as  soon  as  she  quali- 
fies for  their  administration  would  not  only  remove  animosity 
and  suspicion,  producing  a  fine  feeling  of  trust  and  good-will. 


The  United  States  and  China  105 

but  would  be  a  powerful  factor  in  the  promotion  of  Chinese 
development. 

What  now  would  be  the  effect  of  such  a  policy  toward 
Asiatics  upon  our  own  people  and  upon  Christendom  ?  Would 
there  not  arise  among  us  a  new  mental  and  moral  attitude 
toward  Asiatics  as  such  ?  Would  we  not  rejoice  in  their  progress 
rather  than  fear  it  ?  Would  we  not  discover  in  them  traits  of 
character  and  aspects  of  culture  commanding  our  respect? 
Would  we  not  be  ready  to  learn  from  them  those  achievements  in 
art  and  mental  poise  in  which  they  surpass  us  ?  And  would  not 
this  new  attitude  of  the  West  to  the  East  prove  highly  valuable 
in  overcoming  prejudice  and  antipathy  among  us  and  also 
among  them  ? 

Who  can  estimate,  moreover,  the  effect  of  such  a  policy  upon 
China?  Would  it  not  produce  that  attitude  of  confidence  in 
us  and  in  Christendom  that  would  inhibit  all  thought  of  arm- 
ing ?  If  we  voluntarily  do  them  justice  and  help  them,  for 
what  would  they  arm  ?  How  earnestly  and  how  rapidly  China 
would  learn  our  ways  and  enter  into  world-life !  Instead  of 
wasting  precious  wealth  on  armaments,  China  could  utilize  all 
her  resources  for  education,  for  roads  and  railroads,  for  facto- 
ries and  mines  and  rolling  mills,  for  dyking  rivers  and  building 
her  merchant  marine.  What  prosperity  this  would  bring  to 
China  !  And  how  the  nations  trading  with  China  would  share 
in  that  prosperity  ! 

Consider  also  the  effect  on  every  other  nation  of  our  adop- 
tion of  such  a  generous  policy  toward  China.  When  they  see 
us  giving  justice  to  the  Chinese  in  this  country  and  observe  that 
no  harm  comes  of  it,  but  rather  that  mutual  advantage  is  the 
result,  will  not  European  scorn  for  "Asiatic  barbarians" 
vanish,  and  they  too  begin  to  deal  justly  with  them  and  feel 
right  toward  them  ? 

Is  it  not  clear,  moreover,  that  only  some  such  policy  can 
possibly  prevent  China  from  arming?  But  if  China  arms, 
world-militarism,  as  we  have  seen,  is  practically  inevitable. 
Is  it  not  clear  that  any  other  international  policy  than  that  of 


io6  The  Fight  for  Peace 

the  Golden  Rule  is  bound  to  fail?     The  only  really  practicable 
peace  program  for  the  world  is  the  Christian  program. 

Surely  the  time  will  come  when  the  nations  will  look  back 
with  astonishment  on  their  present  hatred  toward  each  other 
and  their  vast  military  equipments  for  mutual  destruction. 


APPENDIX  TO  CHAPTER  IX 
Professor  Coolidge  sums  up  the  discussion  of  "Chinese 
Immigration  "  in  a  highly  valuable  "Conclusion,"  from  which 
we  quote  the  following  paragraphs  : 

"  The  remedies  for  the  impolitic  and  unjust  treatment  of  the 
Chinese  by  the  United  States  are  already  suggested  by  the  history 
of  immigration,  detailed  in  the  previous  chapters.  They  are 
obviously  a  reasonable  administration  of  the  laws  in  force  by  non- 
partisan officials,  and  the  modification  of  the  law  to  harmonize 
strictly  with  whatever  treaty  may  be  negotiated.  Already  the  first 
step  toward  practical  repentance  has  been  taken  in  the  open 
acknowledgment  by  American  officials  that  the  law,  as  it  stands,  is 
a  violation  of  the  treaty,  and  that  its  administration  has  been  un- 
warrantably harsh. 

**  But  neither  acknowledgment  nor  apology  will  serve  as  a 
remedy  while  the  same  laws,  the  same  officers  and  the  same 
methods  are  continued.  If  all  the  hostile  traditions  of  the  Chinese 
Bureau  could  be  at  once  destroyed,  there  would  yet  remain  a  mass 
of  contradictory  laws  and  decisions,  and  a  machinery  for  exclusion 
which  must  inevitably  work  injustice.  To  renovate,  to  modify, 
perhaps  to  do  away  with  a  large  part  of  the  existing  bureaucratic 
practice,  is  a  work  for  new  men.  It  is  a  work  for  men  with  a 
knowledge  of  world  relations  broad  enough  to  enable  them  to  see 
that  the  period  of  exclusiveness  is  past,  not  merely  for  China  but 
for  other  nations  as  well ;  or,  if  not  wholly  past,  so  limited  in  its 
scope  that  those  nations  that  would  maintain  it  for  their  own  pro- 
tection must  give  quid  pro  quo — equal  value  for  the  industrial  and 
commercial  privileges  which  they  demand  in  Oriental  countries. 

*'  It  is  not  the  province  of  the  historian  to  devise  a  technical 
solution  for  the  inadequacy  of  either  laws  or  methods,  but  rather  to 
point  out  those  principles  which  have  emerged  fully  justified  from 


The  United  States  and  China  107 

the  examination  of  the  past  fifty  years  and  by  which  the  men  of 
this  generation  must  be  guided  if  they  would  not  repeat  its  experi- 
ments, errors  and  injustice.  Nothing  is  clearer  than  that  all  the 
evils  of  Chinese  immigration,  both  real  and  prospective,  have  been 
greatly  exaggerated  ;  *  now  that  it  is  all  but  past  it  appears  that  the 
Chinese  who  would  not  or  could  not  assimilate  have  gone  home  or 
are  dying  out  in  this  country  without  descendants,  leaving  only  the 
memory  of  their  industry,  their  patience,  their  picturesque  attire, 
and  the  labor  without  which  California  would  have  been  infinitely 
less  rich  and  comfortable  than  it  is.  The  few  hundreds  who  have 
tried  to  assimilate  with  us  are  living  peaceably  and  usefully  with  their 
families,  bringing  up  their  children  in  American  fashion  with  Ameri- 
can ideas  and  contributing  as  stable  and  useful  a  factor  as  any  foreign 
element  in  California  to  its  cosmopolitan  population. 

**  In  the  light  of  this  result  there  seems  to  be  no  reason  whatever 
to  debar  the  Chinaman  any  longer  from  naturalization  when  he  shall 
have  fulfilled  the  new  law  which  requires  five  years  continuous  resi- 
dence, a  declaration  of  intention  two  years  in  advance,  ability  to 
speak  the  English  language,  and  a  renunciation  of  allegiance  to  his 
native  country. 

"  It  has  been  for  many  years  the  unanimous  opinion  of  those 
who  have  made  a  study  of  the  Chinese  in  this  country  that  if  they 
had  been  naturalized  even  in  small  numbers  it  would  have  caused 
their  rights  to  be  respected  and  would  have  protected  them  from 
many  of  the  outrages  which  they  have  suffered.  It  is  not  to  be  ex- 
pected that  the  illiterate  European  foreigner,  conscious  of  his  own 
value  as  a  potential  citizen  and  intoxicated  with  the  apparent 
license  of  an  easy-going  democracy,  should  respect  the  yellow  man 
whom  he  cannot  understand,  of  whose  economic  competition  he  is 
afraid,  and  whom  the  native  American  has  considered  unworthy  of 
naturalization.  The  denial  of  naturalization  can  no  longer  be  justi- 
fied by  the  excuse  that  the  Chinese  are  inferior  either  intellectually 
or  industrially  ;  or  that  they  are  anarchistic  and  incapable  of  citizen- 
ship ;  or  that  they  are  vicious,  unstable  and  immoral.  Fifty  years 
of  experience  with  them  here  and  the  disclosure  of  their  national 
characteristics  at  home  has  shown  that  they  are  quite  as  desirable, 
tested  by  the  ordinary  tests  of  immigration,  as  many  that  we  have 
already  received  and  assimilated,  and  perhaps  even  more  so  than 
many  that  are  now  coming  into  the  country. 

**  One  of  the  most  astonishing  things  in  connection  with  the  ex- 

^  Our  italics. 


108  The  Fight  for  Peace 

elusion  of  the  Chinese  is  the  fact  that  the  general  immigration  laws 
shutting  out  undesirable  aliens — diseased,  paupers,  insane,  criminal 
and  the  like — were  not  applied  to  the  Chinese  until  1903.  They 
were  constantly  charged  with  all  these  defects,  but  the  California 
statesmen  who  secured  the  exclusion  laws  never  asked  that  the  gen- 
eral exclusion  law  be  applied  to  them.  The  records  of  prisons, 
asylums,  hospitals  and  almshouses  after  fifty  years  show  why  ;  it 
those  laws  alone  had  been  applied  to  the  Chinese  there  would  have 
been  very  few  shut  out — too  few  to  suit  the  advocates  of  no-com- 
petition with  American-European  labor. 

"  It  may  as  well  be  confessed  that  the  sole  basis  of  the  present 
exclusion  of  Chinese  laborers  from  the  United  States  is  their 
virtues,  not  their  vices,  either  positive  or  negative.  They  can  as- 
similate and  have  assimilated  in  small  numbers  under  most  adverse 
conditions,  along  with  many  Europeans  ;  they  can  and  do  raise 
their  standard  of  wages  and  of  living  to  those  of  many  European 
immigrants;  they  have  a  less  proportion  of  paupers,  insane,  criminal 
and  diseased  persons  in  proportion  to  their  numbers  than  mojt  or 
the  foreign-born  in  this  country.  They  are,  in  fact,  industrious, 
thrifty,  shrewd,  conservative,  and  healthily  selfish — like  many 
Europeans. 

*'  They  were  excluded  because  they  were  a  menace  to  Ameri- 
can labor — by  which  is  meant  a  menace  to  the  policy  of  monopoly 
of  labor  which  is  the  present  ideal  of  the  American  trade  unionist. 
Yet  it  may  be  doubted  whether  Chinese  labor  is  any  greater 
menace  to  the  growth  of  free,  self-respecting,  rationally  organized 
labor  than  the  less  desirable  of  those  European  thousands  whose 
low  standard  of  living,  wages  and  intelligence  now  threaten  it ;  for 
these  comparatively  unintelligent  and  underfed  additions  to  the  body 
of  labor  must  continually  be  educated,  absorbed  and  uplifted  by  the 
partially  Americanized  laborers  already  in  the  field. 

**  The  Chinese,  on  the  contrary,  are  already  thoroughly  or- 
ganized, trained  in  the  essential  principles  of  trade  unionism  and  the 
benefit  society  ;  and  they  afford  an  extraordinary  opportunity  for 
trade  unionism  to  strengthen  itself  in  California  if  race  prejudice  did 
not  prevent. 

**  From  the  Chinese  standpoint,  nothing  has  been  more  illogica,. 
and  unwarrantable  in  the  treatment  of  the  Chinese  in  the  United 
States  than  the  denial  of  our  treaty  obligation  to  protect  them.  The 
hiatus  between  State  and  Federal  control  in  our  national  constitu- 
tion which  permits  the  Federal  Government  to  refvise  protection  to 


The  United  States  and  China  109 

foreigners  on  the  ground  that  it  cannot  interfere  with  a  state ;  and 
which  allows  any  locality  to  practice  race  discrimination  and  its 
criminal  classes  to  perpetrate  injuries, — protected  by  local  sympathy 
from  interference  by  state  authorities  and  leaving  no  means  of  re- 
dress except  through  local  courts  permeated  by  the  same  sympathies 
— is  an  inexplicable  weakness  in  the  mind  of  a  Chinaman.  China 
may  be  slow  to  coerce  or  to  interfere  with  local  authorities,  but  she 
has  never  denied  the  obligation  nor  refused  to  pay  ample  indemnity 
for  injuries  upon  Americans  in  China.  The  more  aggressive 
nations  whose  emigrants  have  received  injuries  in  this  country  have 
shown  an  intention  to  demand  the  fulfilment  of  such  treaty  obliga- 
tions. President  Harrison  expressed  the  opinion  that  it  was  not 
only  possible  but  desirable  for  Congress  to  make  offenses  against  the 
treaty  rights  of  foreigners  domiciled  in  the  United  States  cognizable 
in  the  Federal  courts.  Recent  outrages  and  discriminations  in  the 
case  of  the  Japanese  have  again  brought  the  quesrion  into  prominence, 
and  foreign  nations,  including  China,  will  be  likely  in  the  future  to 
demand  a  fulfilment  of  such  treaty  promises. 

"  But  the  history  of  Chinese  immigration  to  the  United  States, 
however  interpreted,  constantly  returns  to  two  considerations  :  the 
violation  of  treaty  stipulations  by  legislation  ,•  and  the  extension  of 
legislation  by  official  regulation.  Both  together  have  resulted  in  the 
loss  not  only  of  our  prestige  in  China  but  of  the  good  feeling  long 
standing  between  the  two  nations. 

*•  The  imperative  reforms  demanded  in  the  light  of  the  history 
of  our  treatment  of  Chinese  immigrants  is  that  the  law  should 
strictly  conform  to  treaty  phraseology  and  intent ;  and  that  the 
regulations  necessary  to  enforce  that  law  should  as  strictly  conform 
to  the  reasonable  interpretation  of  both  treaties  and  legislation.  To 
this  end  the  immigration  service  must  be  purged  of  officers  imbued 
with  the  anti- Chinese  traditions  of  past  administrations,  from  dis- 
honest and  incompetent  employees  ;  and  from  the  overweening  influ- 
ence of  organized  labor,  whose  nominees  cannot  or  do  not  carry  out 
the  law  for  the  interest  of  the  country,  nor  with  equal  justice  to  the 
Chinese,  but  solely  in  the  interest  of  their  class.  Although  the 
Chinese  exclusion  law  was  made  at  the  demand  and  by  the  repre- 
sentatives of  organized  labor  chiefly,  it  does  not  solely  concern 
them ;  the  propagandists  of  trade,  religion  and  international  friend- 
ship have  an  equal  right  to  be  heard.  The  law  should  therefore 
be  a  reasonable  compromise  to  meet  the  demands  of  all  the  classes 
concerned. 


no  The  Fight  for  Peace 

"  After  all,  the  exclusion  of  Chinese  labor,  acquiesced  in  by 
many  who  have  not  approved  the  method,  is  not  the  immediate 
and  vital  question.  It  is  rather,  whether  a  bureau  of  officials  and 
the  consular  service  shall  continue  to  jeopardize  the  relations  of  two 
nations  by  methods  of  administration  unwarranted  either  by  treaties 
or  legislation  or  even  by  the  selfish  interests  of  the  country.  In 
short,  whether  the  non-laboring  Chinese  shall  not  be  treated  with 
such  courtesy  as  befits  the  people  of  a  most  favored  nation.  The 
remedy  for  present  conditions  necessarily  involves  special  and 
highly  trained  officers  of  the  service  stationed  in  China ;  the  de- 
vising of  a  passport  which  upon  identification  shall  be  final,  not 
mere  prima  facie  evidence  of  the  Chinaman's  right  to  enter  this 
country ;  and  such  that  when  here  he  shall  be  free  from  moles- 
tation. It  involves  also  a  new  registration  of  all  the  resident 
Chinese  and  a  non-partisan  board  of  inquiry  or  an  immigration 
court,  to  which  all  debarred  Chinese  may  appeal. 

"  Some  of  these  obviously  imperative  reforms  are  already 
bruited  but  they  will  be  purely  superficial  in  their  effect  un- 
less a  strict  conformity  of  laws  and  regulations  with  the  treaty 
is  secured;  for  without  this  formal  legislative  expression  of  our 
intention  as  a  nation  to  fulfill  our  obligations,  the  friendship  with 
China  cannot  be  restored  nor  her  cooperation  be  obtained ;  and 
without  her  cooperation  no  immigration  service  established  in 
China  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  can  attain  satisfactory  re- 
sults." 


FRIENDLY  TREATMENT  BY  A  POWERFUL  WESTERN 

NATION  OF  A  POWERFUL  EASTERN  PEOPLE: 

THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  JAPAN 

TENSION  exists  to-day  between  Japan  and  America. 
Papers  in  both  countries  frequently  assert  in  start- 
ling head-lines  that  war  is  certain.     Multitudes  in 
both  lands  accept  these  statements  without  ques- 
tion, and  are  developing  mutual  suspicion,  distrust  and  ani- 
mosity.    Many  false  stories  are  widely  circulated  in  each  land 
about  the  other  which  are  readily  believed. 

What  now  should  American  churches  do  to  establish  right 
relations,  overcome  this  growing  animosity,  remove  this  ten- 
sion, and  stop  the  frequent  war  scares  ?  This  is  a  matter  of 
importance.  It  involves,  however,  delicate  questions  and  far- 
reaching  considerations. 

When  Japan  first  came  in  contact  with  the  white  man  (1553), 
she  welcomed  him.  For  sixty  years  she  gave  him  full  oppor- 
tunity. Several  hundred  thousand  Japanese  became  Chris- 
tian. But  when  Japan  learned  of  the  white  man's  aggressions 
and  ambitions,  she  concluded  that  the  white  man  meant  a 
White  Peril,  to  avoid  which  she  turned  him  out,  exterminated 
Christianity  and  for  250  years  carried  out  her  policy  of  ex- 
clusion. 

By  that  policy,  however,  she  lost  the  stimulus  of  inter- 
national life  and  fell  behind.  In  1853,  when  Commodore 
Perry  knocked  at  her  doors,  she  discovered  how  belated  and 
helpless  she  was,  due  to  her  policy  of  exclusion.  She  wavered 
for  a  decade,  suffered  revolution  due  to  conflicting  conceptions 
as  to  the  right  way  in  which  to  meet  the  white  man,  and 
finally,  late  in  the  sixties,  adopted  the  policy  of  learning  the 

III 


112  The  Fight  for  Peace 

secrets  of  his  power,  in  order  thus  to  maintain  national  exist- 
ence and  honor  on  a  basis  of  equality  with  him.  This  has 
been  Japan's  controlling  ambition  for  fifty  years.  Her  success 
was  proclaimed  by  her  war  with  Russia.  Japanese  cannon  at 
Mukden  were  heard  around  the  world,  proclaiming  to  the  white 
man  the  end  of  his  undisputed  supremacy,  and  to  the  Oriental 
the  way  in  which  to  meet  the  White  Peril.  All  Asia  awoke  to 
hope  and  effort. 

Japan,  however,  is  not  satisfied  with  mere  existence.  That 
indeed  is  assured,  provided  she  maintains  adequate  military 
and  naval  forces.  But  her  citizens  are  not  admitted  to  equal 
treatment,  rights  and  opportunities  with  those  of  other  lands — 
in  America,  Canada,  New  Zealand,  Australia,  and  British 
Africa.  Her  sense  of  national  dignity  is  affronted.  The 
limitations  recently  placed  upon  her  by  California,  and  the 
anti-Asiatic  policy  urged  by  the  Pacific  Coast  on  the  United 
States  as  a  whole  has  pained  her  deeply.  Our  action  is  re- 
garded as  contravening  our  treaty  pledges.  Should  general 
Asiatic  exclusion  laws  be  enacted,  Japan  would  regard  them  as 
highly  humiliating. 

This  situation  is  the  more  painful  to  her  because  until 
lately  our  mutual  relations  have  been  ideal,  helpful,  friendly. 
For  more  than  forty  years  Japan  has  been  profoundly  grateful 
to  the  United  States.  We  brought  her  out  of  her  long  se- 
clusion— watched  patiently  over  her,  guided  her  through  those 
trying  decades  when  she  was  first  learning  from  the  masterful 
white  man  the  ways  of  the  modern  world.  We  protected  her 
interests  in  international  matters.  We  returned  in  1868  the 
Shimonoseki  indemnity  (1^785,000).  Thousands  of  Japanese 
students  have  had  ideal  treatment  in  our  high  schools,  colleges 
and  universities  and  even  in  our  Christian  homes.  Our  aid 
and  support  at  the  time  of  the  war  with  Russia  were  invaluable 
to  her  and  were  highly  appreciated.  While  there  are  doubt- 
less Jingoes  in  Japan  who  have  uttered  foolish  words  and 
threats,  the  prevailing  temper  of  the  people  as  well  as  of  the 
government  has  for  decades  been  one  of  gratitude  and  good- 


The  United  States  and  Japan  1 13 

will.  In  spite  of  recent  rebuff,  anti-Asiatic  legislation,  unkind 
words,  a  suspicious  attitude,  and  unfriendly  treatment,  there 
has  been  in  Japan  a  remarkable  spirit  of  patience  and  modera- 
tion. The  Japanese  are  still  proceeding  with  expensive  plans 
for  the  Panama- Pacific  Exposition  at  San  Francisco,  expending 
thereon  nearly  two  million  dollars. 

Japan  is  still  hoping  that  some  method  will  be  found  of  pro- 
viding for  California's  just  demands  without  subjecting  her  to 
humiliation.  She  has  taken  at  its  face  value  the  first  treaty  she 
ever  made  with  a  white  race,  namely  with  America,  which 
reads  : — **  There  shall  be  perfect,  permanent  and  universal 
peace  and  sincere  and  cordial  amity  between  the  United  States 
and  Japan  and  between  their  people  respectively,  without  ex- 
ception of  persons  and  places."  This  friendship,  solemnly 
pledged,  has  been  loyally  carried  out  by  Japan.  But  it  cannot 
be  denied  that  her  friendly  feelings  and  her  admiration  for 
America  have  considerably  cooled.  Many  indeed  are  indig- 
nant ;  all  are  waiting  eagerly  to  learn  if  America  as  a  whole 
will  support  the  anti-Asiatic  policy  so  urgently  pressed  by  the 
Pacific  Coast  legislators.  Indefinite  continuation,  however,  of 
Japanese  patience  under  treatment  regarded  as  humiliating  is 
not  to  be  assumed. 

In  California  and  indeed  throughout  America  wide  mis- 
understanding prevails  as  to  what  Japan  wants.  Not  for  free 
immigration  does  she  ask.  She  recognizes  that  any  large  en- 
trance of  Japanese  labor  into  America  would  produce  both 
economic  and  racial  difficulty.  She  is  ready  to  do  anything 
consistent  with  national  honor  to  save  America  from  embarrass- 
ment on  both  lines,  as  her  faithful  administration  of  the  "  Gen- 
tleman's Agreement "  witnesses.  She  is  willing  to  continue 
holding  back  all  Japanese  laborers  from  coming  to  this 
country. 

What  Japan  earnestly  asks  is  that  there  shall  be  no  dif- 
ferential race  legislation ;  for  it  is  regarded  as  invidious  and 
humiliating.  For  those  Japanese  who  are  lawfully  here  she 
asks  the  treatment  which  is  promised  by  the  treaties  and  is 


1 14  The  Fight  for  Peace 

accorded  to  citizens  of  other  lands.  Japan  stands  for  national 
dignity  and  honor  in  international  relations.  She  asks  for  full 
recognition  among  the  nations.  For  this  she  has  been  stren- 
uously striving  for  half  a  century.  Is  she  not  to  be  respected 
for  it?  Is  not  this  sensitiveness  and  insistence  one  of  the 
evidences  that  she  deserves  it?  Economic  opportunity  in 
California  is  not  the  point  of  her  interest  or  insistence,  but 
recognition  of  manhood  equality.  Is  not  the  honor  of  a  na- 
tion of  more  importance  than  everything  else  ?  Is  the  main- 
tenance of  friendship  possible  between  two  nations  when  one 
insists  on  treatment  or  legislation  that  humiliates  the  other  ? 

If  now  America  desires  to  maintain  the  historic  friendship  with 
Japan  and  do  her  justice,  we  must  first  of  all  understand  the 
real  point  of  her  contention.  We  must  look  at  the  questions 
involved  from  the  standpoint  not  only  of  our  interests  but  also 
of  hers ;  we  must  gain  her  viewpoint,  appreciate  her  problem, 
sympathize  with  her  efforts,  and  recognize  her  attainments. 
As  an  aid  in  this,  let  us  first  seek  the  exact  facts  as  to  the 
treaties  concerned  and  the  laws  involved. 

The  treaty  under  which  practically  all  the  Japanese  came  to 
America  was  promulgated  in  1894.  Among  its  reciprocal 
pledges  are  the  following : 

**The  citizens  or  subjects  of  each  of  the  two  high  contracting 
parties  shall  have  full  liberty  to  enter,  travel,  or  reside  in  any  part 
of  the  territory  of  the  other  contracting  party,  and  shall  enjoy  full 
and  perfect  protection  for  their  persons  and  property. 

"  In  whatever  relates  to  rights  of  residence  and  travel ;  to  the 
possession  of  goods  and  effects  of  any  kind  j  to  the  succession  to 
personal  estate,  by  will  or  otherwise,  and  the  disposal  of  property 
of  any  sort  and  in  any  manner  whatsoever  which  they  may  lawfully 
acquire,  the  citizens  or  subjects  of  each  contracting  party  shall 
enjoy  in  the  territories  of  the  other  the  same  privileges,  liberties, 
and  rights,  and  shall  be  subject  to  no  higher  imposts  or  charges  in 
these  respects  than  native  citizens  or  subjects  or  citizens  or  subjects 
of  the  most  favored  nation." 

Under  these  provisions  over  70,000  Japanese,  mostly  laborers, 


The  United  States  and  Japan  1 15 

came  to  America,  over  50,000  settling  in  California.  Of  these 
the  large  majority,  contrary  to  the  habit  ofimmigrants  from  most 
lands,  and  especially  from  China,  pushed  out  into  the  country 
and  became  farm  hands.  At  first  none  of  them  expected  to 
remain  for  more  than  a  few  years.  They  sought  good  wages 
and  had  no  thought  of  permanent  residence  or  of  land  purchase. 
But  as  the  years  passed  and  they  became  accustomed  to  the 
new  conditions  and  realized  the  superior  advantages  afforded 
them  in  America,  their  plans  of  life,  even  their  ideals,  began  to 
change.  In  proportion  as  they  became  Americanized  a  return 
for  permanent  residence  in  Japan  became  distasteful  to  thou- 
sands. 

Accordingly,  the  more  thrifty  began  to  purchase  property  by 
means  of  their  hard  earned  and  carefully  treasured  cash. 
Many  began  to  bring  over  their  wives.  During  the  past  three 
or  four  years  several  thousand  women  have  come  to  join  their 
husbands.  It  has  now  become  evident  that  Japanese  have 
come  to  America  to  stay.  The  attraction  is  not  merely  that  of 
superior  economic  advantages,  but  especially  those  of  liberty 
and  expanding  opportunity  in  every  line.  Immigrants  from 
every  land  who  have  once  become  Americanized  highly  prize 
the  land  of  their  adoption. 

Meanwhile,  however,  difficulties  inevitably  arose  between  the 
bright,  capable,  ambitious,  and  in  many  cases  unscrupulous 
Japanese  laborers  and  labor  bosses,  and  their  white  employers, 
and  especially  their  white  competitors.  On  both  sides  no  doubt 
wrong  was  done ;  advantage  was  taken  of  helplessness,  strikes 
forced  wages  up.  The  long  standing  anti-Chinese  feeling  and 
agitation  was  soon  transferred  from  Chinese  to  Japanese. 

Not,  however,  until  1906  did  the  anti- Japanese  agitation 
lead  to  overt  acts.  Although  in  California  strong  local  feeling 
was  developing,  it  had  not  marred  the  historic  international 
friendship.  In  that  year,  however,  the  San  Francisco  School 
Board  established  an  Oriental  school  for  Chinese,  Japanese  and 
Korean  children.  In  support  of  the  act  all  sorts  of  falsehoods 
were  circulated  regarding  Japanese ;  lurid  pictures  were'drawii 


1 16  The  Fight  for  Peace 

of  Japanese  young  men  sitting  at  the  same  desk  with  young 
American  girls. 

Japanese  in  California,  and  also  in  Japan,  were  highly  in- 
censed by  the  insulting  falsehoods  which  aspersed  the  moral 
character  of  the  entire  nation.  The  total  number  of  Japanese 
children  involved  was  but  ninety-three  and  they  were  dis- 
tributed through  twenty-three  schools,  and  the  number  of  boys 
over  seventeen  years  of  age  was  only  twelve.  Inasmuch  as  the 
action  was  in  contravention  of  the  treaty,  both  of  the  words  and 
of  the  spirit,  the  Japanese  Government  took  up  the  matter 
diplomatically.  The  prompt  action  of  President  Roosevelt 
secured  a  solution  by  consultation  with  the  California  authori- 
ties who  modified  their  action  and  by  the  arrangement  with 
Japan  known  as  the  •'  Gentleman's  Agreement." 

The  authorities  on  both  sides  of  the  Pacific  had  become 
convinced  that  continued  unrestricted  Japanese  labor  immigra- 
tion  would  lead  to  increasing  anti-Japanese  agitation  and 
legislation.  Japanese,  however,  would  keenly  resent  differen- 
tial race  legislation  as  humiliating.  In  order  to  avoid  these 
ominous  difficulties  a  mutual  understanding  was  reached  be- 
tween the  two  governments  that  Japan  would  voluntarily  with- 
hold all  Japanese  labor  immigration  to  this  land.  This  agree- 
ment has  been  so  effectively  carried  out  since  1907  that  the 
number  of  Japanese  in  America  has  diminished  by  nearly  7,000. 

After  the  matter  had  been  tfius  satisfactorily  settled.  Senator 
Elihu  Root  in  an  address  reviewed  the  whole  case,  asking  what 
were  the  real  questions  at  issue  (April,  1907).  He  showed 
that  "  there  was  no  question  of  States*  Rights  involved,"  for  the 
treaties  are  the  "supreme  law  of  the  land;  and  the  judges  in 
every  state  shall  be  bound  thereby,  anything  in  the  constitution 
or  laws  of  any  state  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding"  (U.  S. 
Constitution,  Art.  VI).  Senator  Root,  after  many  quotations 
from  the  Constitution,  treaties  and  laws  involved,  says : 

"  No  State  can  set  up  its  laws  as  against  the  grant  of  any  particular 
right,  privilege,  or  immunity  any  more  than  against  the  grant  of 
any  other  right,  privilege,  or  immunity,     lio  State  can  say  a  treaty 


The  United  States  and  Japan  117 

may  grant  to  alien  residents  equality  of  treatment  as  to  property  but 
not  as  to  education,  or  as  to  the  exercise  of  religion  and  as  to  burial 
but  not  as  to  education,  or  as  to  education  but  not  as  to  property  or 
religion." 

Senator  Root  concludes  that  the  real  question  at  issue  was 
this :  *'  Are  the  people  of  the  United  States  about  to  break 
friendship  with  the  people  of  Japan?"  He  thought  it  had 
been  happily  answered  in  the  negative.  The  importance  of 
maintaining  friendship  he  urged  in  most  impressive  words. 

"  It  is  hard  for  democracy  to  learn  the  responsibiliti  s  of  its 
power  ;  but  the  people  now,  not  governments,  make  friendship  or 
dislike,  sympathy  or  discord,  peace  or  war,  between  nadons.  In 
this  modern  day,  through  the  columns  of  the  myriad  press  and 
messages  flashing  over  countless  wires,  muldtudc  calls  to  mukitude 
across  boundaries  and  oceans  in  courtesy  or  insult,  in  amity  or  in 
defiance.  Foreign  offices  and  ambassadors  and  ministers  no  longer 
keep  or  break  the  peace,  but  the  conduct  of  each  people  toward  every 
other.  The  people  who  permit  themselves  to  treat  the  people  of  other 
countries  with  discourtesy  and  insult  are  surely  sowing  the  wind  to 
reap  the  whirlwind,  for  a  world  of  sullen  and  revengeful  hatred  can 
never  be  a  world  of  peace.  Against  such  a  feeling  treaties  are  waste 
paper  and  diplomacy  the  empty  routine  of  idle  formJ" 

But  the  anti- Japanese  movement  in  California  was  not  to  be 
so  easily  overcome  as  Senator  Root  anticipated.  Agitation 
continued,  which  finally  resulted  in  the  Alien  Land  Law  of 
California,  enacted  in  May,  191 3.  The  treaty  with  Japan  had 
in  the  meantime  been  modified,  unfortunately  for  Japan,  as 
events  have  proved.  The  provisions  in  the  treaty  of  191 1  par- 
ticularly involved  are  the  following : 

"  The  subjects  or  cidzens  of  each  of  the  high  contracting  parties 
shall  have  liberty  to  enter,  travel  and  reside  in  the  territories  of  the 
other,  to  carry  on  trade,  wholesale  and  retail,  to  own  or  lease  and 
occupy  houses,  manufactories,  warehouses,  and  shops,  to  employ 
agents  of  their  choice,  to  lease  land  for  residential  and  commercial 
purposes,  and  generally  to  do  anything  incident  to  or  necessary  for 
trade,  upon  the  same  terms  as  native  subjects  or  cidzens,  submitting 
themselves  to  the  laws  and  reguladons  there  established. 


Il8  The  Fight  for  Peace 

"  The  subjects  or  citizens  of  each  of  the  high  contracting  parties 
shall  receive,  in  the  territories  of  the  other,  the  most  constant  pro- 
tection and  security  for  their  persons  and  property  and  shall  enjoy 
in  this  respect  the  same  rights  and  privileges  as  are  or  may  be 
granted  to  native  subjects  or  citizens,  on  their  submitting  themselves 
to  the  conditions  imposed  upon  the  native  subjects  and  citizens." 

The  anti-Japanese  agitators  took  the  ground  that  Japan  was 
not  to  be  trusted  in  the  administration  of  the  "Gentleman's 
Agreement " ;  that  there  was  imminent  danger  of  an  increasing 
and  finally  overwhelming  Japanese  labor  immigration;  that 
Congressional  Japanese  exclusion  legislation  was  needed  similar 
to  that  enforced  against  the  Chinese ;  that  until  that  was  secured 
California  should  take  independent  steps  by  which  to  defend 
herself  from  the  danger. 

To  justify  these  contentions  a  fresh  batch  of  exaggerations 
and  falsehoods  was  spread  abroad  over  the  state  and  nation.  It 
was  asserted  that  Japanese  were  buying  land  so  rapidly  that 
there  was  danger  lest  they  buy  up  all  the  best  farm  lands  in  the 
state ;  that  they  were  swarming  in  over  the  Canadian  and  Mex- 
ican borders ;  that  they  were  aided  by  the  Japanese  Govern- 
ment and  even  provided  with  funds  with  which  to  buy  land. 

The  state  statistician  showed  that  331  Japanese  owned  less 
than  13,000  acres  of  farm  land,  and  that  some  17,500  acres 
were  leased  to  Japanese. 

To  meet  this  "threatening  danger,"  in  the  two  sessions  of 
the  California  legislature  meeting  in  191 1  and  1913,  fifty-one 
drastic  bills  were  proposed,  all  of  which  were  reported  to  Japan 
and  served  to  check  Japan's  friendliness  and  to  stir  up  animosity. 

The  Alien  Land  Law,  passed  in  191 3,  aroused  such  feeling 
in  Japan  that  President  Wilson  sent  Secretary  Bryan  to  the 
Pacific  Coast  to  try  to  prevent  its  passage,  but  in  vain. 

The  law  discriminates  between  the  rights  granted  to  aliens 
eligible  for  citizenship  and  those  not  eligible.  The  law  is 
adroitly  worded.  By  express  terms  it  professes  to  grant  to 
aliens  ineligible  for  citizenship  all  rights  specifically  guaranteed 
by  treaty,  but  no  more.     It  in  fact,  however,  withholds  the 


The  United  States  and  Japan  119 

right  to  transmit  real  property  to  heirs  which  seems  to  be 
granted  by  the  treaty.  But  the  chief  cause  of  Japanese  objec- 
tion to  the  law  is  its  invidious  differential  race  treatment,  which 
differential  treatment,  however,  is  securely  grounded  on  the 
differential  race  treatment  of  the  Federal  Government  itself, 
which  holds  that  all  Asiatics  are  ineligible  for  citizenship.  If 
Asiatics  are  intrinsically  unfit  to  become  citizens  anywhere  in 
the  United  States,  why  is  it  not  right  for  California  to  refuse 
them  privileges  allowed  to  aliens  eligible  for  citizenship  which 
renders  residence  in  that  state  less  attractive  ? — such  is  Califor- 
nia's very  logical  contention. 

As  it  has  become  clear  that  California's  Alien  Land  Law  is 
firmly  grounded  upon  the  national  refusal  of  citizenship  to  all 
Asiatics,  Japanese  resentment,  which  was  first  directed  against 
California,  is  now  beginning  to  turn  against  the  United  States 
as  a  whole.  They  begin  to  feel  that  the  spirit  of  all  American - 
Japanese  treaties  is  being  broken,  and  that  the  professed  friend- 
ship of  America  for  Japan  has  not  been  sincere. 

A  detailed  statement  of  the  California-Japanese  contention 
is  highly  technical  and  would  demand  a  full  and  long  chapter.^ 
The  judgment  of  the  writer,  after  considerable  study  of  the 
matter,  is  that  Japan  makes  out  its  case,  namely,  that  the  Cali- 
fornia law  contravenes  the  treaty  provision ;  that  the  counter- 
argument presented  by  the  Department  of  State  evades  the  real 
issue;  that  its  refusal  to  take  the  next  logical  step,  namely, 
provision  for  a  test  case  in  the  Supreme  Court,  is  not  adequately 
grounded ;  and  that  the  allowing  of  the  matter  to  remain  in 
the  present  deadlock  is  producing  a  serious  international  situa- 
tion, for  Japan  is  coming  to  the  conclusion  that  we  either  will 
not  or  cannot  execute  our  treaty  pledges ;  that  is  to  say,  our 
treaties  are  practically  "waste  paper,"  if  a  state  chooses  to 
override  them. 

What  now  have  the  American  churches  done  or  tried  to  do 

*  Those  who  desire  to  study  its  details  should  by  all  means  procure  the 
published  correspondence  between  the  Japanese  and  American  Govern- 
ments. 


120  The  Fight  for  Peace 

to  correct  the  evil  ?  They  keep  on,  it  is  true,  supporting  the 
missionaries  in  Japan ;  they  hear  them  speak  at  missionary 
gatherings  and  listen  to  their  missionary  sermons.  But  as  a 
whole  the  churches  of  America  have  been  quite  indiflferent  to 
the  entire  campaign  of  international  slander  fomenting  distrust 
and  ill-will,  the  sinister  harbingers  and  real  causes  of  interna- 
tional conflicts.  As  a  rule  Christians  throughout  the  land 
accept  what  the  yellow  press  says  instead  of  what  the  nine 
hundred  American  missionaries  in  Japan  know.  American 
opinion  of  Japan  has  been  practically  transformed  during  the 
past  half  dozen  years  by  the  countless  anti-Japanese  utterances 
of  irresponsible  or  scheming  men  widely  proclaimed  by  the 
sensational  press.  The  churches  do  not  yet  perceive  that  the 
only  real  "yellow  peril"  to-day  is  the  "yellow  press,"  and 
the  anonymous  inventor  of  malicious  news.  The  success  of 
the  yellow  press  may  ultimately  create  a  real  yellow  peril  in  the 
decades  to  come. 

Our  relations  with  Japan  are  somewhat  ominous,  but  by  no 
means  critical  as  yet.  She  has  been  waiting  for  our  churches 
to  act.  When  California's  an ti- Asiatic  legislation  in  1913 
evoked  in  Japan  an  anti-American  wave  of  indignation,  Count 
Okuma  stated  that  Japan's  hope  lay  in  an  appeal  to  the  Chris- 
tians of  America.  But  what  response  have  the  churches  made  ? 
The  majority  of  them  have  never  even  heard  of  it.  On  the 
contrary,  led  by  our  unchristian  press,  multitudes  are  highly 
suspicious  and  are  coming  to  believe  that  war  with  Japan  may 
be  "inevitable." 

There  is,  however,  no  danger  of  war  between  Japan  and 
America  if  simple  justice  is  maintained  in  our  international 
relations.  Neither  country  will  be  so  foolish  as  to  attack  the 
other.  Nevertheless,  there  is  arising  mutual  suspicion,  distrust, 
animosity  and  resentment  which  are  in  themselves  unchristian ; 
they  find  expression  in  conduct,  and  especially  in  the  popular 
press,  which  foments  the  difl&culty  rather  than  allays  it. 

Many  in  this  country  and  Europe  are  already  looking  for- 
ward to  the  day  when  all  Asia,  united  and  armed  as  Japan  is 


The  United  States  and  Japan  12 1 

to-day,  shall  confront  the  white  man.  If  the  white  races  follow 
the  policy  of  Asiatic  exclusion  and  disdain,  grounded  exclu- 
sively on  race  difference,  will  not  our  attitude  evoke  a  corre- 
sponding attitude  on  the  part  of  Asiatics?  But  if  enmity 
widely  prevails  in  Asia  against  the  white  man  there  will  also  be 
suspicion  and  unfriendly  deeds ;  and  these  will  be  reciprocated 
by  the  West.  And  because  of  this  mental  condition  there  will 
be  felt  in  both  East  and  West  the  need  of  progressive  armament 
to  preserve  peace  and  prevent  attack. 

The  present  policy,  therefore,  so  widely  adopted  by  the  white 
race  in  Canada,  on  our  Pacific  Coast,  in  New  Zealand,  Aus- 
tralia and  British  Africa,  the  policy  of  invidious  differential 
race  treatment,  and  of  holding  these  vast,  sparsely  peopled 
continents  for  exclusive  opportunity  for  the  white  man,  regard- 
less of  the  conditions,  needs  or  abilities  of  the  other  races,  this, 
I  say,  is  a  policy  fraught  with  grave  danger. 

So  far  as  the  relations  of  Japan  and  America  are  concerned 
differential  race  legislation  is  needless,  for  under  the  effective 
operation  of  the  "Gentleman's  Agreement"  Japanese  labor 
immigration  has  ceased  and  the  number  of  Japanese  in  America 
has  already  diminished.  There  is,  therefore,  no  danger  what- 
ever of  a  swamping  Japanese  invasion  nor  of  any  considerable 
purchase  by  Japanese  of  agricultural  or  other  land.  The  num- 
ber of  acres  bought  by  Japanese  during  the  two  years  preceding 
the  passage  of  the  law  was  less  than  2,000,  and  the  total  acre- 
age owned  by  Japanese  November,  19 14,  was,  as  we  have  seen 
above,  less  than  13,000  acres  divided  up  among  331  farms. 

The  proposal,  therefore,  for  Japanese  exclusion  legislation  is 
misleading]  for  it  implies  an  issue  which  does  not  in  fact 
exist. 

It  is  humiliating  to  Japan ;  for  it  misrepresents  her  attitude 
and  conduct,  treats  her  as  though  her  "  Gentleman's  Agree- 
ment "  could  not  be  trusted,  and  ignores  her  friendship,  which, 
however,  has  been  consistently  maintained  for  sixty  years. 

It  disgraces  the  United  States  by  presenting  us  in  a  wrong 
attitude  to  a  friendly  nation  and  also  by  making  it  appear  that 


122  The  Fight  for  Peace 

we  cannot  distinguish  between  facts  and  illusions.     We  seem 
to  be  ruled  by  hallucinations. 

This  agitation  on  the  Pacific  Coast  is  positively  injurious ; 
for  it  antagonizes  Japanese  landowners,  interferes  with  the 
process  of  their  assimilation,  and  tends  thus  to  keep  them  as  a 
permanently  alien  element  in  the  midst  of  our  people,  helping 
to  create  the  very  difi&culty  it  fears. 

It  is  based  on  ignorance  of  the  Japanese.  It  exaggerates 
their  defects  and  overlooks  their  virtues. 

The  whole  agitation  is  unscientific.  It  does  not  seek  accurate 
and  verified  facts ;  being  highly  suspicious,  it  accepts  as  true 
every  maligning  story.  Moreover,  it  defends  and  justifies  itself 
by  discredited  theories  of  race  psychology  and  sociology.  It 
confuses  biological  and  sociological  assimilation,  regarding  the 
two  as  inseparable. 

It  is  unjust  and  unkind.  The  spirit  which  prompted  the 
fifty-one  bills  in  the  last  two  sessions  of  the  California  legislature 
is  not  one  that  seeks  to  deal  justly  or  kindly  with  the  stranger 
in  our  land.  We  criticise  the  Japanese  for  lack  of  the  spirit 
of  fair  play  and  for  failure  to  keep  an  open  door  for  us  in 
Manchuria.  Are  Americans  carrying  out  the  spirit  of  fair  play 
and  an  open  door  ? 

The  anti-Asiatic  policy,  moreover,  ignores  the  new  Orient 
and  the  entire  modern  situation.  The  world  has  irrevocably 
entered  on  a  new  era  of  human  development.  All  the  nations 
of  the  Orient  are  awakening  to  a  new  life  and  a  new  self-con- 
sciousness ;  they  are  increasingly  sensitive  to  their  plight,  their 
needs,  and  their  rights.  They  are  also  developing  military 
power.     All  this  is  ignored. 

It  is  willing  to  create  international  difficulty  and  promote  in- 
creasing alienation  of  Asiatic  good-will.  As  Mr.  Rowell  well 
says,  "ninety-nine  per  cent,  of  the  whole  Japanese  question  is 
National  and  International."  The  policy  in  question  ignores 
the  large  relations  and  seeks  to  settle  the  local  problem  ex- 
clusively from  the  standpoint  of  local  interests. 

It  is  short-sighted.     Even  from  the  standpoint  of  selfish  in- 


The  United  States  and  Japan  123 

terests,  it  is  calculated  to  bring  disaster.  Our  international 
commerce  depends  in  no  small  degree  on  the  good-will  of  the 
purchasing  nations.  The  Chinese  boycott  of  1905-6  shows  what 
possibilities  lie  in  that  direction.  All  the  nations  are  com- 
peting in  the  Orient  for  commercial  opportunity.  Should 
wide-spread  and  strong  anti-American  feeling  in  Japan  and 
China  be  put  into  the  commercial  scales,  who  can  foretell  the 
results  to  our  commerce  ? 

Moreover,  this  anti- Japanese  agitation  little  notes  how  im- 
portant for  the  promotion  of  a  higher  standard  of  living  and  of 
wages  in  the  Orient  is  the  movement  back  and  forth  of  con- 
siderable tides  of  Asiatic  travel  of  members  belonging  to  the  in- 
dustrial and  agricultural  classes.  In  proportion  as  the  standard 
of  living  advances  in  Asia  will  the  coming  economic  and  in- 
dustrial competition  of  those  lands  with  ours  be  lessened  in 
severity. 

Nor  does  this  agitation  recognize  the  benefits,  direct  and  in- 
direct, that  would  come  to  our  land  as  the  decades  pass  through 
the  presence  here  of  Asiatics.  Those  who  despise  and  dislike 
them  cannot  apparently  see  these  benefits.  Nevertheless,  there 
will  be  such,  not  only  in  the  manual  work  done  by  them,  but 
also  in  the  realm  of  culture,  of  religious  feeling,  and  of  art. 
Of  these  latter  benefits  little,  it  is  true,  has  yet  been  received ; 
the  time  has  been  too  short,  and  our  attitude  toward  Asiatics 
has  been  too  unfavorable.  We  have  lacked  the  teachable 
spirit.  Moreover,  those  who  have  come  to  us  from  Asia  have 
encountered  severe  economic  struggles  and  social  ostracism. 
Should  Asiatics  assimilated  to  our  civilization  acquire  financial 
prosperity  comparable  with  that  of  our  own  middle  classes,  it 
is  altogether  probable  that  they  would  make  valuable  contribu- 
tions to  our  life.  In  all  these  respects  America's  anti-Japanese 
attitude  and  agitation  are  short-sighted. 

The  policy  is  contrary  also  to  the  spirit  of  all  American 
treaties  with  Japan.  She  opened  her  doors  at  our  earnest  re- 
quest. We  led  her  out  among  the  nations,  much  against  her 
will.     We  pledged  mutual  friendship.     Japan  has  carried  out 


124  T^^  Fight  for  Peace 

her  side  of  the  compact  faithfully.  She  allows  Americans  to 
become  citizens  of  Japan.  We  refuse  to  naturalize  Japanese, 
whatever  their  character  or  qualifications.  Japan  allows 
American  residents  in  Japan,  though  alien,  whether  as  indi- 
viduals or  as  regular  corporations,  to  own  land.  Several  states 
refuse  this  privilege  to  Japanese  in  this  country. 

The  agitation  is  hysterical.  Those  who  advocate  it  invariably 
talk  of  the  threatened  swamping  Asiatic  invasion,  the  Japaniza- 
tion  of  our  entire  Pacific  Coast,  the  ease  and  even  the  likeli- 
hood of  a  Japanese  military  invasion,  and  the  horrors  of  inter- 
marriage. These  are  all  the  creations  of  ignorance  and  fear. 
There  is  no  danger  whatever  of  any  of  these  calamities, 
not  even  of  war  with  Japan.  The  very  talk  of  it  is  absurd. 
There  is,  in  truth,  nothing  whatever  in  the  situation  to  call  for 
anti- Japanese  legislation. 

And  finally,  the  anti-Asiatic  policy  is  unchristian.  There 
are  few  more  important  teachings  of  the  Old  Testament  than 
that  of  dealing  justly  and  kindly  with  the  stranger  in  the  land. 
The  peculiar  new  insight  of  the  Apostolic  Church  was  the  fact 
that  Gentiles  are  co-heirs  with  the  Jews  in  the  Kingdom  of 
God,  who  is  the  Father  of  all  men,  and  that  men  of  all  races 
are  brothers. 

A  policy  open  to  so  many  and  such  serious  criticisms  surely 
cannot  be  the  only  one.  Advocates  of  anti-Asiatic  legislation 
seem  to  assume  that  there  are  only  two  alternatives — one,  this 
policy  of  complete  exclusion,  hampering  legislation,  and  social 
ostracism ;  the  other,  that  of  complete  surrender  to  an  over- 
whelming Asiatic  invasion,  resulting  in  the  economic  ruin  of 
white  laborers,  the  establishment  on  the  Pacific  Coast  of  an 
Asiatic  civilization,  and  free  intermarriage  of  the  races. 

There  is,  however,  a  third  alternative,  a  policy  adapted  to 
conserve  all  real  interests,  on  the  side  both  of  America  and 
of  Japan,  dignified,  courteous,  honorable,  and  mutually  advan- 
tageous. The  details  of  this  third  alternative  are  presented  in 
a  later  chapter. 

Should  not  the  Christian  forces  of  America  promptly  grapple 


The  United  States  and  Japan  1 25 

with  this  tendency  of  American  communities  to  enact  disastrous 
anti- Asiatic  legislation  ?  Should  the  settlement  of  the  unques- 
tioned difficulties  raised  by  Asiatic  immigration  be  left  to  those 
who  are  controlled  by  race  prejudice  and  selfishness  ? 

This  question  of  the  Occidental  treatment  of  Oriental  nations 
and  individuals  is  no  new  one  in  the  Orient.  Fresh  discussion 
of  it,  however,  is  beginning.     They  call  it  "the  white  peril." 

To  see  how  Japan  feels  on  this  question,  consider  this  utter- 
ance of  Professor  Nagai  in  his  article  on  the  "  White  Peril  " 
(May,  191 3) : 

**  If  one  race  assumes  the  right  to  appropriate  all  the  wealth,  why 
should  not  the  other  races  feci  ill-used  and  protest  ?  If  the  yellow 
races  are  oppressed  by  the  white  races  and  have  to  revolt  to  avoid 
congestion  and  maintain  existence,  whose  fault  is  it  but  the  ag- 
gressor's ?  If  the  white  races  truly  love  peace  and  wish  to  preserve 
the  name  of  Christian  nations  they  will  practice  what  they  preach 
and  will  soon  restore  to  us  the  rights  so  long  withheld.  They  will 
rise  to  the  generosity  of  welcoming  our  citizens  among  them  as 
heartily  as  we  do  theirs  among  us.  We  appeal  to  the  white  races 
to  put  aside  their  race  prejudice  and  meet  us  on  equal  terms  in 
brotherly  cooperation." 

While  I  was  lecturing  in  1912  in  the  Imperial  University  of 
Kyoto,  the  Secretary  of  the  Young  Men's  Buddhist  Association 
brought  me  a  letter  from  the  Secretary  of  the  Young  Men's 
Hindu  Association  of  Calcutta  describing  the  evil  deeds  of  the 
white  race  and  asking  if  Hindu  and  Japanese  young  men  should 
not  combine  to  oppose  the  white  man  and  to  drive  him  out. 

In  August,  1 91 3,  a  summer  school  was  held  in  Osaka  under 
the  auspices  of  the  great  daily,  the  Morning  Sun  (Asahi).  One 
of  the  addresses  was  delivered  by  A.  Dharmapala  on  **  Japan's 
Duty  to  the  World."     I  give  a  few  quotations. 

•*  Islam  destroyed  India,  Christian  England  demoralized  China. 
.     .     .     Only  Japan  escaped  these  destructive  icebergs. 
It  is  the  white  peril  that  the  Asiatic  races  have  to  fight  against. 
.     .     .     The  white  peril  is  a  reality,  the  yellow  peril  is  only  a 


126  The  Fight  for  Peace 

phantom.  .  .  .  How  are  we  to  subdue  the  arrogance  of  the 
white  races  ?  .  .  .  Japan  by  her  superior  morality  subdued 
the  most  powerful  of  European  nations." 

These  discussions  are  but  mutterings  now,  and  the  feelings 
they  represent  may  still  be  allayed.  If  we  treat  the  Asiatic 
with  a  consideration  for  his  needs  and  welfare,  if  we  help  him 
to  walk  in  the  modern  ways,  and  aid  him  in  maintaining  his 
sovereignty  and  national  dignity,  we  shall  unquestionably  win 
and  hold  his  friendship.  There  will  then  be  no  white  peril  for 
him  and  no  yellow  peril  for  us. 

But  if  we  disregard  his  problems,  his  needs,  his  ambitions, 
and  his  dignity ;  if  our  first  aim  is  white  race  supremacy  estab- 
lished by  force,  with  a  crushing  heel  on  the  yellow  man's  head ; 
if  we  refuse  him  a  fair  share  or  opportunity  in  the  world's  great 
storehouse ;  if  we  humiliate  him  and  insist  on  certain  disquali- 
fications regardless  of  personal  character  or  ability,  disqualifi- 
cations based  entirely  on  race,  then  the  future  relations  of  East 
and  West  are  indeed  ominous. 

The  yellow  peril  is  not  exclusively  military.  To  some,  the 
economic  aspect  is  even  more  serious.  When  all  Asia  is  fully 
awake,  educated  in  modern  science,  equipped  with  schools,  a 
press,  and  telegraphic  and  postal  facilities,  and  with  factories, 
railroads,  steamships  and  mines,  what  will  become  of  our  com- 
merce, and  of  our  industrial  classes  ?  Will  not  Asia  by  her  low 
standard  of  life  put  up  an  invincible  industrial  competition  ? 
Will  she  not  pull  us  down  to  her  level  ?  Can  we  permanently 
maintain  a  high  scale  of  life  against  a  world  living  on  a  low 
level  ?    That  is  a  problem  for  economists. 

But  one  or  two  things  can  be  said.  The  solution  of  this 
problem,  both  for  us  and  for  them,  can  be  found  far  more 
easily  on  a  basis  of  friendship  than  of  enmity  between  East  and 
West.  We  can  solve  the  economie  problem  more  certainly  if 
neither  they  nor  we  are  crushed  by  the  excessive  military  ex- 
penses which  would  be  inevitable  if  the  military  yellow  and 
white  ^^  perils  "  are  rampant. 


The  United  States  and  Japan  127 

And  further,  no  small  part  of  the  solution  consists  in  raising 
the  ideals  and  scale  of  life  among  Asia's  millions.  By  raising 
their  manhood  and  their  entire  mode  of  life — the  economic 
competition  will  be  diminished.  This  is  visibly  beginning  to 
take  place  in  Japan.  The  cost  of  living  has  doubled  during 
the  past  decade.  Moreover  in  proportion  as  the  higher  stand- 
ard and  scale  of  life  rises  will  Asia's  purchasing  power  from  us 
advance,  with  all  that  that  signifies. 

Now  it  is  not  hard  to  see  that  the  best  conditions  under 
which  to  elevate  the  masses  of  Asia  and  bring  them  up  to  our 
level  is  on  a  basis  of  friendliness.  Help  them  to  learn.  Let 
them  come  and  live  among  us  and  go  back,  carrying  with  them 
their  new  ideas  and  ideals.  Set  the  best  possible  conditions 
for  the  promotion  of  the  knowledge  of  the  Fatherhood  of  God, 
and  of  man's  own  divine  nature.  Help  them  to  accept  the 
universal  brotherhood  of  man,  regardless  of  race.  These  are 
the  great  creative  ideas  which  lift  individuals  and  peoples  to 
higher  levels  of  life  and  to  nobler  manhood.  Even  though  our 
wish  to  lift  Asia  were  wholly  selfish,  these  are  the  means  by 
which  to  do  it.  In  imparting  these  ideas,  would  it  not  be  of 
incalculable  value  if  missionaries  in  China  could  point  to 
America  and  say,  **  There  is  the  land  where  those  ideas  are 
being  carried  oi^t,  not  only  in  the  relations  of  private  life,  but 
in  business  and  industry  and  also  in  international  relations." 

Inability  to  make  this  statement  to-day,  except  in  a  limited 
way,  is  probably  the  most  serious  obstacle  to  the  propagation  of 
the  Gospel  in  non-Christian  lands.  Increasingly  difficult  will 
the  missionary  work  become  if  there  is  rising  racial  animosity 
and  injustice.  For  the  very  substance  of  the  Gospel  is  denied 
by  the  conduct  of  these  peoples  who  know  the  Gospel  ideal 
most  completely. 

A  fundamental  solution  of  the  Oriental  problem,  however,  is 
not  so  difficult  as  many  suppose.  The  alternative  to  Asiatic 
exclusion  is  not  of  necessity  a  free  open  door  to  all  Asiatic 
immigrants.  That  would  indeed  soon  beget  an  intolerable 
condition. 


128  The  Fight  for  Peace 

The  true  solution  is  the  enactment  of  an  immigration  law 
which  treats  all  races  exactly  alike — this,  and  this  alone,  is 
friendly.  A  law,  moreover,  which  admits  only  so  many 
annually  as  we  can  reasonably  expect  to  assimilate — this 
preserves  our  institutions  and  provides  that  the  white  man's 
land  shall  remain  white  in  civilization  and  control. 

And  these  two  provisions  lead  on  to  a  third  provision  that 
those  who  are  admitted  to  our  country  shall  be  aided  in  the 
process  of  assimilation.  In  other  words,  we  need  to  provide 
for  the  rapid  and  certain  assimilation  of  those  who  enter. 
For  our  own  sake,  as  well  as  for  those  who  come  to  us,  we  can- 
not afford  to  have  any  considerable  population  residing  here 
and  taking  no  essential  part  in  our  national  life.  The  full 
statement  of  this  solution,  however,  must  be  deferred  to  a  later 
chapter. 

If  my  argument  has  been  correct,  the  new  world-situation  and 
especially  the  New  Asia  requires  of  America  changes  in  her 
international  policies,  especially  as  they  concern  the  Orient. 
The  continuance  of  flat  Asiatic  exclusion  promises  to  bring 
serious  disaster.  A  policy  of  restricted  immigration,  of  gen- 
eral application,  looking  to  the  welfare  of  Asia  no  less  than  of 
our  own,  together  with  adequate  provision  for  the  assimilation 
to  our  ideals  and  life  of  all  who  come  to  our  shores,  will  alone 
secure  those  right  and  helpful  relations  which  will  promote  the 
permanent  peace  and  prosperity  of  both  East  and  West. 

To  America  is  offered  the  opportunity  of  mediating  thus  be- 
tween the  East  and  the  West.  Our  conduct  during  the  next 
few  decades  seems  likely  to  settle  for  centuries  to  come  the 
character  of  our  mutual  relations.  This  question  may  possibly 
be  hanging  in  the  balance  for  a  half  century.  The  longer  we 
delay  starting  upon  the  friendly  and  helpful  course,  the  greater 
will  be  our  difficulty  both  in  entering  upon  it  and  in  overcom- 
ing the  anti-white  suspicion  and  enmity  already  existing  in  the 
Orient  and  bound  to  grow  with  every  decade  of  delayed 
justice. 


XI 

PRINCIPLES  OF  RACE  ASSIMILATION  AS  BEARING 
UPON  ASIATIC  IMMIGRATION 

IF  we  admit  Asiatics  to  our  land,  can  and  will  they  become 
truly  American  ?    If  it  indeed  be  true  that  the  Japanese 
and  Asiatics  generally  are  not  assimilable  to  our  Ameri- 
can civilization,  then,  of  course,  any  plan  for  their  ad- 
mission to  permanent  residence  in  America  and  to  naturaliza- 
tion is  out  of  the  question. 

The  nature  of  the  Asiatic  policy,  therefore,  which  American 
citizens  should  adopt  depends  on  the  degree  and  rapidity  of 
their  assimilability.  This  problem  is  confessedly  difficult.  In 
the  "American- Japanese  Problem "  I  have  discussed  the  ques- 
tion in  three  long  chapters.  Here  I  must  content  myself  with 
a  mere  outline  of  the  considerations  there  presented. 

Assimilation  has  two  aspects — biological  and  social — to  be 
sharply  distinguished.  In  the  one,  through  race  intermarriage 
inherited  race  nature  is  combined  and  amalgamation  takes 
place.  The  laws  of  the  amalgamation  are  biological,  operate 
spontaneously,  and  are  wholly  subconscious;  the  process  is 
completed  before  the  birth  of  the  offspring.  What  occurs  in 
those  mysterious  processes  of  generation  and  growth,  our  best 
science  only  dimly  surmises.  Their  regulation  is  beyond  human 
control. 

In  social  assimilation,  however,  inherited  race  culture  is 
transmitted  both  consciously  and  unconsciously,  not  only  from 
parent  to  offspring,  but  from  every  influence  that  moulds 
thought,  feeling  and  conduct.  Social  inheritance,  given  to  the 
offspring  only  after  birth,  is  a  factor  of  superlative  force  in 
creating  the  personality  of  the  individual.     This  inheritance  is 

129 


130  The  Fight  for  Peace 

given,  not  by  biological  processes,  but  by  education,  by  lan- 
guage, by  every  influence  that  moulds  the  heart  and  mind  and 
will.  Moreover,  wholesome  niirture,  transmitting  wholesome 
social  inheritance,  can  alone  provide  the  right  environment  in 
which  human  biological  heredity  can  produce  its  best  results. 

This  distinction  between  social  and  biological  heredity  and 
inheritance  is  of  the  highest  importance  in  considering  the  prob- 
lem of  race  assimilation.  Civilization,  mental  habits  of  every 
kind,  moral  and  religious  ideas  and  ideals,  with  all  the  prac- 
tices to  which  they  lead,  are  matters  of  social,  not  of  biological 
heredity  and  processes.  These  are  the  factors  which  make  a 
man  to  be  the  man  he  is.  They  form  his  mind,  furnish  the 
categories  of  his  thinking,  provide  the  motives  and  standards 
of  his  conduct,  and,  in  a  word,  determine  a  man's  race,  socio- 
logically speaking. 

Now  man's  marvelous  psychic  nature  provides  that  these 
things  can  be  imparted  to  individuals  of  any  race  when  they 
are  young  and  plastic.  Under  ten  or  twelve,  any  child  can 
completely  learn  any  language,  enter  into  any  civilization,  and 
become  fully  possessed  of  its  social  inheritance.  Advancing 
years  with  loss  of  plasticity  deprives  one  of  this  capacity.  A 
full-grown  adult  has  diminished  capacity  for  acquisition  of  new 
languages  and  civilizations.  A  man's  personality  is  formed  by 
the  civilization  in  which  he  is  reared. 

The  social  assimilation  of  races,  then,  can  proceed  independ- 
ently of  their  intermarriage.  The  Jews  are  a  case  in  point. 
Sociologically  speaking,  Jews  bom  and  bred  in  America  are 
Americans — biologically  speaking,  they  are  Hebrews. 

Now  from  the  standpoint  of  capacity  to  learn  our  language, 
acquire  our  ideas,  and  enter  into  our  corporate  democratic 
life,  young  Japanese  and  Chinese  are  just  as  assimilable  as  are 
Italians  or  Russians,  if  we  give  them  the  same  opportunity,  the 
same  welcome.  Indeed  Asiatic  children,  reared  in  America, 
are  more  completely  cut  off  from  their  social  inheritance  than 
are  the  children  of  any  European  people,  because  of  the  extra- 
ordinary difficulty  of  learning  to  read  and  speak  Chinese  and 


Principles  of  Race  Assimilation  131 

Japanese.  Japanese  children  born  in  America  can  speak  Eng- 
lish freely,  even  though  both  parents  are  pure  Japanese  and 
are  quite  ignorant  of  English.  In  Hawaii,  in  spite  of  the  large 
Japanese  population  and  thousands  of  Japanese  children  for 
playmates,  English  is  the  language  with  which  they  play  and 
quarrel.  For  all  children  in  Hawaii  are  required  to  attend  the 
public  schools  where  English  is  the  one  language  used. 

The  degree  to  which  Japanese  in  California  have  already 
become  Americanized,  especially  American-born  children,  is 
amazing  to  those  who  know  them  in  Japan.  The  complete 
social  assimllability  of  the  Japanese  is  beyond  question  for  any 
one  who  will  investigate  the  facts  scientifically. 

In  regard  to  the  question  of  the  intermarriage  of  whites  and 
Asiatics  ignorant  dogmatism  prevails.  Race  antipathy  and 
prejudice  play  a  large  role  here.  It  is  a  question  which  has 
not  been  carefully  studied  by  experts.  Intermarriage  under 
wholesome  and  right  relations  is  still  limited.  The  disastrous 
results  of  the  immoral  sexual  relations  of  the  races  should  not 
be  regarded  as  throwing  light  of  any  value  on  this  problem. 

We  need,  accordingly,  a  commission  of  expert  biologists, 
sociologists  and  psychologists  to  collect  and  collate  the  facts 
already  available  that  we  may  know  what  are  the  biological 
consequences  of  race  intermarriage.  Personally  I  deprecate 
strongly  the  marriage  of  whites  with  Japanese.  The  differ- 
ences of  ideals  as  to  the  respective  rights  and  duties  of 
husband  and  wife  are  so  great  that  the  intermarriage  of  Amer- 
icans and  Japanese  is  a  hazardous  venture.  Moreover,  the  bio- 
logical results  of  such  intermarriage  are  by  no  means  clear. 
Many  hold  them  to  be  as  a  rule  bad.  President  Eliot  contends 
that  "ptire  races"  are  far  superior.  He  asserts,  moreover, 
that  as  a  rule  Japanese  "do  not  intermarry  with  women  of 
foreign  races,  affording  thus  a  strong  contrast  to  the  white  race 
in  foreign  parts.  The  question  of  immigration,  therefore,"  he 
argues,  *'  need  not  be  complicated  by  any  racial  problem,  pro- 
vided that  each  of  several  races  abiding  in  the  same  territory 
keeps  itself  pure,  as  the  Japanese  do,  wherever  they  live." 


132  The  Fight  for  Peace 

But  dogmatism  is  out  of  place.  We  need  such  scientific 
knowledge  on  this  problem  as  can  be  collected  only  by  experts. 
The  question  of  the  wisdom  of  race  intermarriage  surely  should 
not  be  left  to  the  decision  of  individuals  moved  by  momentary 
emotional  impulses  nor  by  ignorant  dogmatism  based  on  race 
prejudice.  Full  knowledge  is  required,  and  then  if  intermar- 
riage is  unwise  we  need  an  adequate  national  law  forbidding  it. 

The  question,  therefore,  of  the  intermarriage  of  whites  and 
Asiatics  can  be  and  should  be  kept  distinct  from  that  of 
social  assimilation.  The  latter  can  go  forward  independently 
of  the  former.  The  policy,  moreover,  which  America  should 
adopt  in  its  treatment  of  Asiatics  in  this  land  as  well  as  in  its 
permission  for  them  to  come  should  be  framed  in  the  light  of 
this  distinction  between  biological  and  social  assimilability. 


XII 

A  NEW  POLICY  FOR  THE  ADMISSION,  TREATMENT, 

ASSIMILATION,  AND  NATURALIZATION 

OF  AUENS 

FOR  the  solution  of  the  difficulties  presented  in  the 
preceding  chapters  dealing  with  the  relations  of  the 
United  States  with  Asiatics  a  policy  is  needed  that 
provides  for  the  real  interests  of  both  continents. 
California's  insistent  claim  that  she  must  not  be  exposed  to 
the  dangers  of  Asiatic  immigration  is  perfectly  just.  No  less 
just,  however,  is  Japan's  claim  that  her  treaty  rights  shall  be 
respected,  and  that  Japanese  lawfully  in  America  shall  be  ac- 
corded a  treatment  free  from  invidious  race  discrimination. 
In  this  claim  Japan  stands,  it  is  to  be  remembered,  as  the 
spokesman  of  all  Asia. 

These  conditions  make  it  plain  that  no  solution  of  this  per- 
plexing Oriental  problem  can  be  satisfactory  that  deals  with  it 
exclusively  as  Oriental.  The  new  policy,  whatever  it  may  be, 
must  be  general.  It  must  solve  the  Oriental  problem  by  dealing 
in  a  fundamental  way  with  the  entire  immigration  question. 

The  present  policy  of  the  United  States,  as  we  have  seen,  is, 
in  important  respects,  humiliating  to  the  Oriental,  and  disgrace- 
ful to  us.  Professing  friendship  in  words,  we  deny  it  in  im- 
portant deeds.  Demanding  an  open  door  for  Americans  in 
Asia  and  equality  of  opportunity  for  our  citizens  with  that  ac- 
corded to  citizens  of  the  "  most  favored  nation,"  we  do  not 
ourselves  grant  these  same  things  to  Asiatics  in  our  land. 

This  disgraceful,  humiliating,  and  inconsistent  policy,  for 
which  some  extenuating  explanations  may  doubtless  be  made, 
has  grown  up  through  a  series  of  exigencies.  The  time,  how- 
ever, has  come  for  clear  recognition  of  the  radical  defects  of 

133 


134  The  Fight  for  Peace 

our  present  policy  and  for  the  formulation  of  a  policy  more  in 
harmony  with  our  national  ideals  and  more  suited  to  the  new 
era  of  cosmopolitan  life  on  which  the  world  is  rapidly  entering. 
The  opportunity  opening  before  us  at  this  unique  juncture  in 
the  history  of  human  evolution  is  unparalleled. 

This  is  an  opportune  time,  also,  for  fresh  study  of  the  no 
less  perplexing  problems  raised  by  European  immigration. 
While  the  war  continues  the  number  of  those  coming  to  our 
shores  will  be  "small.  But  what  is  likely  to  happen  after  the 
war  is  over  ?  Many  anticipate  an  enormous  flood  of  European 
immigrants.  Are  we  prepared  to  care  for  them?  Shall  we 
allow  more  to  come  than  we  can  possibly  handle  at  our  ports 
of  entry  or  provide  for  in  our  economic  system?  Shall  we 
permit  countless  shiploads  to  be  landed  in  our  already  congested 
cities  and  then  left  to  shift  for  themselves,  finding  occupation 
when  and  where  they  can  and  exposed  to  the  exploitation  of 
countless  sharpers?  Shall  we  not  rather  adopt  the  proposals 
of  the  National  Congress  of  Charity  Organizations  and  estab- 
lish a  National  Employment  Bureau  ?  Shall  we  continue  the 
present  methods  of  naturalization,  with  their  obstacles  and 
absurdities?  Shall  we  not  rather  devise  a  scientific  system, 
adapted  to  secure  the  wholesome  and  rapid  assimilation  of 
aliens,  transforming  them  into  happy,  intelligent  and  loyal 
citizens  as  rapidly  as  possible  ?  Do  not  the  interests  of  labor 
and  capital  as  well  as  of  all  honorable  citizens  demand  that 
Congress  shall  take  up  this  entire  immigration  question  afresh 
and  provide  a  new  comprehensive  national  policy  dealing 
scientifically  with  the  question  of  the  admission,  treatment,  em- 
ployment, education,  assimilation  and  naturalization  of  aliens  ? 

Of  even  more  importance  than  the  details  of  such  a  policy, 
important  though  they  are,  are  the  spirit  and  the  principles 
that  underlie  them.  These  I  venture  to  state  in  the  following 
paragraphs. 

The  new  policy,  so  far  as  it  concerns  Asiatic  countries  and 
peoples,  must  consciously  abandon  the  assumption,  so  tenaciously 
held  for  centuries,  and  still  unconsciously  held  by  many,  that 


Admission  and  Naturalization  of  Aliens     135 

the  white  race  is  superior  to  all  others  and  has,  therefore,  a 
kind  of  right  to  rule  the  world,  to  own  whatever  territories  it 
can  seize,  and  to  exploit  the  native  populations.  America 
must  insist  on  the  abandonment  of  all  predatory  ambitions  on 
the  part  of  its  citizens  in  foreign  lands.  She  must  stand  for 
equality  of  rights  and  privileges  of  every  race.  No  race  or 
people  may  be  the  objects  of  plunder  or  exploitation  by  whites 
merely  because  the  latter  possess  superior  power.  This  is, 
indeed,  no  new  principle  in  America's  foreign  policy,  but  it 
needs  to  be  emphasized  and  consistently  carried  out.  We 
should,  moreover,  grant  to  Asiatics  lawfully  in  this  land  the 
same  privileges  which  we  demand  for  Americans  in  Asia  and 
which  we  grant  to  citizens  of  the  "most  favored  nations" 
residing  among  us. 

This  policy  must  recognize  that  there  is  a  new  Orient,  a  ris- 
ing self-consciousness  in  the  vast  populations  of  Asia  which 
must  be  won  to  friendship ;  that  the  new  Asia  can  no  longer 
be  treated  as  the  old  Asia  was  during  the  nineteenth  century. 
This  means  that  we  must  inaugurate  a  policy  of  courtesy  in  all 
our  relations  with  Asiatics — when  they  enter  our  ports,  live  in 
our  land,  come  before  our  courts,  or  deal  with  us  in  treaties, 
and  are  the  objects  of  proposed  legislation  whether  local  or 
national.  We  must  deal  with  Orientals  as  we  deal  with  mem- 
bers of  other  nations.  Our  international  policy  must  be  uni- 
versal and  free  from  race  discrimination. 

The  new  policy  should  sympathize  with  the  difficulties  and 
problems  confronting  Oriental  peoples,  economic,  political, 
social,  and  educational.  Americans  should  regard  themselves 
as  their  friends,  to  aid  them  in  the  arduous  road  on  which  they 
have  started,  protecting  them  from  the  grasping  policies  of 
individuals,  governments  and  nations  whose  aim  is  exploitation 
of  foreign  lands. 

So  far  as  it  deals  with  immigrants,  whether  from  European 
countries  or  from  Asia,  the  new  policy  should  provide  that  no 
larger  numbers  may  come  from  any  land  than  we  are  prepared 
to  receive  and  care  for  humanely  in  our  ports  of  entry  and 


136  The  Fight  for  Peace 

assimilate  into  our  national  life.  And  after  they  are  admitted, 
their  protection  from  exploitation,  their  distribution,  employ- 
ment, education,  and  naturalization  should  be  provided  for  by 
a  comprehensive  scientific  system  devised  by  experts. 

The  new  policy  must,  of  course,  have  as  a  fundamental 
principle  the  conservation  of  our  distinctively  American  in- 
stitutions. The  true  welfare  of  the  population  and  races  now 
here  must  be  provided  for.  The  policy  must  provide  for  the 
coming  from  other  lands  and  permanent  residence  here  of  only 
those  individuals  who  can  and  will  become  full  American 
citizens,  sharing  in  the  national  life  in  all  its  aspects,  political, 
economic,  industrial,  moral,  and  religious. 

The  new  policy,  in  dealing  with  Asiatic  immigration,  must 
take  full  cognizance  of  the  actual  situation  on  the  Pacific  Coast, 
both  as  regards  the  work  and  character  of  the  various  Asiatic 
peoples  now  there,  and  also  as  regards  the  psychological  state 
of  those  who  are  opposed  to  Asiatics.  It  must  not  run  counter 
to  the  mature,  sober  judgment  of  responsible  citizens;  but 
neither  must  it  regard  ignorant  and  partisan  views  as  the  views 
of  sane  and  intelligent  judgment. 

And  finally,  the  new  policy  must  cut  loose  from  discredited 
theories  of  race  psychology  and  sociology,  and  must  build  on 
the  assured  results  of  our  best  modern  knowledge. 

We  turn  next  to  the  concrete  application  of  these  principles. 

Since  differential  race  treatment  on  the  one  hand  must  be 
given  up  and  since  on  the  other  hand  free  Asiatic  immigration 
is  not  to  be  tolerated,  it  would  seem  as  though  we  were  caught 
on  the  horns  of  a  dilemma.  In  reality,  however,  the  problem 
is  not  so  difficult  as  it  appears.  The  alternatives  are  not  either 
free  immigration  or  complete  exclusion.     There  is  a  third  way. 

Since  we  must  limit  Asiatic  immigration,  and  since  we  must 
also  treat  races  equally,  it  follows  that  we  must  limit  all  im- 
migration. It  follows  likewise  that  we  must  find  some  method 
or  principle  which,  applied  equally  to  all,  will  secure  the  de- 
sired results.  We  find  this  in  an  immigration  law  which  bases 
limitation  of  immigration  on  the  assimilability  of  immigrants. 


Admission  and  Naturalization  of  Aliens     137 

An  immigration  law  which  treats  all  races  exactly  alike — 
this,  and  this  alone — is  friendly  to  all.  A  law  which  admits 
only  so  many  annually  as  we  can  reasonably  expect  to  assimi- 
late— this  preserves  our  institutions  and  provides  that  the  white 
man's  land  shall  remain  white  in  civilization  and  control. 

And  these  two  provisions  lead  on  to  a  third,  namely — 
provision  that  those  who  are  admitted  to  our  country  shall  he 
aided  in  the  process  of  assimilation.  In  other  words,  we  need 
to  provide  for  the  rapid  and  certain  assimilation  and  naturaliza- 
tion of  those  who  enter.  For  our  own  sake,  as  well  as  for 
those  who  come  to  us,  we  cannot  afford  to  have  any  considera- 
ble population  residing  in  our  midst  but  taking  no  active  part 
in  our  national  life. 

We  should  admit  into  the  United  States  as  immigrants,  there- 
fore, only  as  many  aliens  from  any  land  as  we  can  expect  to 
assimilate.  Assimilation,  however,  takes  place  largely  by 
means  of  those  already  assimilated  and  naturalized,  for  they 
know  the  languages,  customs,  ideals,  political  and  social  life 
of  both  peoples,  theirs  and  ours,  and  the  processes  they  them- 
selves have  passed  through  in  becoming  Americans. 

All  immigration,  therefore,  should  be  limited  to  a  definite 
per  cent,  per  annum  from  each  people,  of  those  from  that 
people  already  assimilated  (naturalized)  with  American  born 
children  of  the  first  generation.  Children  of  the  second  gene- 
ration do  not  as  a  rule  know  their  ancestral  language  and 
therefore  do  not  aid  in  the  assimilation  of  newcomers.  Five 
per  cent,  suggests  itself  as  a  suitable  rate  with  which  to  begin 
the  experiment.  Experience,  however,  may  show  that  some 
other  rate  will  give  better  results. 

In  order  to  present  this  proposition  in  regard  to  immigration 
with  as  much  definiteness  as  possible,  I  have  formulated  it  in 
the  shape  of  a  proposed  amendment  to  the  present  immigration 
law. 

Be  it  enacted,  etc.,  That  Section  2  of  the  Immigration  Act 
of  February  20,  1907,  shall  be  amended  by  the  addition  of  the 
following  proviso : 


138  The  Fight  for  Peace 

Provided,  That  the  number  of  aliens  of  any  race  (single 
mother  tongue  group),  who  may  be  admitted  to  the  United 
States  in  any  fiscal  year  shall  be  limited  to  five  per  cent,  of  the 
number  of  native-bom  persons  of  the  first  generation,  together 
with  the  number  of  naturalized  citizens  of  that  race  in  the 
United  States  at  the  time  of  the  national  census  next  pre- 
ceding ;  except  that  aliens  returning  from  a  temporary  visit 
abroad  ;  aliens  coming  to  join  a  husband,  wife,  father,  mother, 
son,  daughter,  grandfather,  grandmother,  grandson,  or  grand- 
daughter ;  aliens  who  are  government  officers ;  aliens  who 
have  had  an  education  in  their  own  land  equivalent  to  the 
American  high  school  with  not  less  than  three  years'  study 
of  some  European  language  foreign  to  their  own,  and  aliens 
who  are  travelers  or  visitors  and  who  do  not  engage  in  any 
remunerative  occupation  or  business  in  the  United  States, 
shall  not  be  included  within  the  five  per  cent,  limit  above 
provided.  Provided  further — That  five  hundred  may  be  ad- 
mitted annually  from  any  single  mother  tongue  group  having 
less  than  10,000  naturahzed  and  American  born  citizens  of  the 
first  generation.  Provided,  further.  That  all  laws  relative  to 
the  exclusion  of  Chinese  persons  or  person  of  Chinese  descent 
are  hereby  repealed. 

Certain  questions  will  at  once  arise.  What  is  a  "  single 
mother  tongue  group  "  ?  There  is  a  certain  amount  of  theo- 
retical difficulty  here ;  but  the  general  principle  is  clear.  A 
German  or  Egyptian  Jew,  though  completely  assimilated, 
would  be  of  no  particular  aid  in  assimilating  a  Polish  Jew. 
The  central  principle  is  the  power  of  those  already  assimilated 
from  a  particular  foreign  group  to  serve  as  an  assimilating 
agency  for  later  comers  from  that  group.  For  this  they  must 
have  belonged,  in  a  not  distant  past,  to  the  same  social  group 
and  must  still  have  ability  to  speak  the  same  language. 

The  determination  of  the  names  and  boundaries  of  such 
groups  might  be  left  either  to  the  Bureau  of  Immigration  or  to 
the  Department  of  Ethnology. 

The  Federal  Census  does  not  show  how  many  naturalized 


Admission  and  Naturalization  of  Aliens     139 

citizens  there  are.  This  is  certainly  a  difficulty,  but  it  can 
easily  be  remedied  at  the  next  census.  In  the  meantime  the 
Bureau  of  Immigration  and  Naturalization  could  be  instructed 
to  make  estimates,  which  estimates  could  be  used  as  a  working 
basis  until  the  next  census  gives  the  correct  figures. 

Does  the  number  whom  we  can  expect  to  assimilate  from 
any  particular  race  really  depend  on  the  number  of  those  from 
that  race  already  assimilated  ?  There  is  probably  one  real  ex- 
ception to  this  principle,  namely,  members  of  the  British  Em- 
pire who  speak  English  by  birthright.  Such  individuals  are 
already  members  of  our  mother  tongue  group.  On  this  ground 
it  might  be  desirable  to  make  one  more  exception  in  the  pro- 
posed amendment,  to  the  effect  that  all  members  of  the  British 
Empire  who  speak  English  as  a  birthright  should  be  admitted 
without  regard  to  the  five  per  cent.  rate. 

Individuals  from  North  Europe,  moreover,  can  doubtless 
learn  the  English  language  more  easily  and  gain  the  inner 
principles  of  our  civilization  more  promptly  than  those  from 
East  and  South  Europe  or  from  Asia,  Africa  or  South  America. 
But  whether  this  supposition  be  true  or  not,  they  should  be  re- 
quired to  conform  to  the  conditions  of  acquiring  citizenship  as 
a  test  of  their  individual  fitness.  If  immigrants  from  any  land, 
as  a  matter  of  fact,  meet  the  test  more  readily  than  those  from 
other  lands,  that  will  automatically  open  the  door  more  quickly 
for  their  fellow  citizens  to  enter.  No  exceptions,  therefore, 
should  be  made  for  such  peoples. 

What  would  be  the  effect  of  this  five  per  cent,  rate  on  pres- 
ent European  immigration  ? 

I  have  devoted  considerable  study  to  this  question,  and  offer 
the  following  figures.  Columns  1-3  are  taken  bodily  from  the 
last  Federal  Census.  Column  4  is  taken  from  the  Report  on 
Immigration,  being  the  sum  for  the  past  ten  years.  I  assume 
for  column  5  that  the  deaths  and  departures  of  those  admitted 
as  immigrants  has  been  twenty  per  cent.  I  assume  still  further 
that  of  those  immigrants  who  have  come  to  us  in  the  past  ten 
years,  forty  per  cent,  have  been  naturalized,  leaving  sixty  per 


140 


The  Fight  for  Peace 


cent,  who  are  still  aliens — column  6.  The  difference  between 
columns  3  and  6  gives  the  number  of  estimated  naturalized 
citizens  and]American-born  children,  column  7.  Column  8  is 
five  per  cent,  of  column  7,  the  maximum  number  of  possible 
annual  immigrants.  For  purposes  of  comparison  I  have  placed 
beside  it  the  actual  immigration  for  191 2. 

If  these  assumptions  are  regarded  as  fairly  plausible  and  the 
calculations  have  been  correct,  we  reach  the  result  that  the 
proposed  five  per  cent,  rate  would  allow  free  immigration  from 
North  Europe  and  cut  down  immigration  from  South  Europe. 
It  is  impossible  to  estimate  from  the  available  statistics  how 
many  of  the  immigrants  from  Europe  would  fall  within  the 
classes  for  which  exception  is  made  by  this  proposal.  It  is 
quite  possible  that  the  five  per  cent,  rate  might  not  reduce 
present  immigration  from  South  Europe  in  the  least. 


American  born 

children,  one  or 

both  parents 

Total  foreign 

Country 

Foreign  born 

foreign 

white  stock 

Germany    . 

.    .  2,500,000 

5,780,000 

8,280,000 

Great  Britain     .  2,570,cx30 

5,160,000 

7,730,000 

Scandinavia 

.    .      960,000 

1,490,000 

2,450,000 

Russia    .    . 

.    .  1,730,000 

1,020,000 

2,750,000 

Italy   .    .    . 

.    .  1,340,000 

750,000 

2,090,000 

Austria  .    . 

.    .  1,670,000 

1,030,000 

2,700,000 

China     .    . 

.    .       56,000 

14.775 

Japan     .    . 

.    .       67,000 

4,410 

4 

5 

6 

Immigration 

Estimated  deaths 

Estimated  resi- 

Country 

Past  Decade 

and  departures 

dent  aliens 

Germany 

.    .     350,000 

70,000 

168,000 

Great  Britaii 

1     .     958,000 

191,000 

459,000 

Scandinavia 

.    .     491,000 

98,000 

235,000 

Russia    .    . 

.    .  1,725,000 

345,000 

822,000 

Italy    ,    .    . 

,    .  2,071,000 

414,000 

993,000 

Austria   .    . 

.    .  2,097,000 

419,000 

1,006,000 

China     .    . 

^    ^ 

56,000 

Japan      .    . 

.    . 

67,000 

Admission  and  Naturalization  of  Aliens     141 
789 

Estimated  citizens  Possible  annual   Actual  imtnigra- 

Country           and  children  immigration                   tion 

Germany    .    .    .  8,112,000  405,600                     27,788 

Great  Britain     .  7,270,000  363,500                     82,979 

Scandinavia  .    .  2,215,000  110,750                     27,550 

Russia    ....  1,928,000  96,400  162,395 

Italy 1,097,000  54,850  I57.«34 

Austria  ....  1,694,000  84,700  178,883 

China     ....       14,775  738 

Japan      ....         4,410  220 

What  would  be  the  effect  of  such  an  immigration  law  on 
Chinese  immigration  ? 

Since  there  are,  according  to  the  United  States  census  of 
1910,  over  14,000  American-born  Chinese  in  the  United 
States,  the  five  per  cent,  rate  would  allow  over  700  Chinese 
immigrants  annually.  During  1913  over  6,000  Chinese  citi- 
zens entered  America  in  harmony  with  the  present  exclusion 
laws,  consisting  chiefly  of  those  who  return  and  relatives.  It 
is  generally  admitted  that  a  considerable  number  smuggle  their 
way  in.  It  is  a  fair  question  whether  the  opening  of  the  door 
to  the  extent  of  five  per  cent,  would  not  serve  to  diminish  the 
number  of  those  who  smuggle  their  way  in.  As  soon  as  China 
gains  the  new  administrative  efficiency  which  her  internal  re- 
forms are  securing,  would  she  not  cooperate  more  loyally  in 
administering  a  five  per  cent,  rate  than  in  enforcing  the  com- 
plete exclusion  laws  now  on  our  statutes  ? 

What  would  be  the  effect  on  Japanese  immigration  ?  The 
five  per  cent,  rate  would  allow  about  220  to  enter  yearly.  In- 
asmuch, however,  as  this  is  below  the  minimum  provided  for 
(500),  Japanese  immigration  would  begin  at  that  minimum 
figure.  Of  the  6,859  Japanese  arrivals  during  the  last  fiscal 
year,  6,715  brought  passports  acceptable  to  our  officials  under 
the  present  "Gentleman's  Agreement,"  while  144  brought 
passports  not  regarded  as  satisfactory.  But  under  the  circum- 
stances it  was  impossible  to  deport  them.  Of  the  6,715 
arrivals,  5,920  come  within  the  number  for  whom  special 
exception  is  made  in  all  restriction  proposals,  such  as  relatives 


142  The  Fight  for  Peace 

and  those  returning  after  an  absence.  Within  the  remaining 
753  are  included  travelers,  visitors,  students  provided  with 
means  of  support,  and  others,  who  would  also  be  admitted  in 
any  case.  Skilled  laborers  and  professionals  who  plan  to  make 
a  living  by  some  remunerative  occupation  would  be  affected  by 
the  proposed  five  per  cent  rate.  But  in  any  case  the  number 
affected  would  not  be  large. 

Would  not  the  enforcement  of  any  numerical  limitations 
cause  intolerable  suffering,  possibly,  to  tens  of  thousands  of 
immigrants  who  might  find  on  arrival  here  that  they  could  not 
land  because  the  maximum  number  from  their  land  had  already 
been  admitted  ?  And  would  not  such  a  law  cause  a  rush  of 
immigration  in  the  early  months  of  each  year  ?  These  difii- 
culties  are  purely  administrative  and  can,  moreover,  be  easily 
resolved.  At  the  beginning  of  each  year,  for  instance,  the  Im- 
migration Bureau  should  inform  the  steamship  lines  as  to  the 
number  of  immigrants  they  would  be  allowed  to  bring  over 
that  year  from  each  people.  The  various  companies  would 
have  to  agree  among  themselves  as  to  their  respective  propor- 
tions. The  shippers  would  see  to  it  that  none  should  be 
brought  over  whom  they  must  later  carry  back.  The  danger 
of  a  rush  of  immigration  because  of  the  law  could  easily  be 
obviated. 

An  important  consideration  in  favor  of  some  such  general 
law  in  restriction  of  immigration  is  the  fact  that  immigration 
officials  could  know  in  advance  the  maximum  numbers  whom 
they  would  be  called  upon  to  examine  for  admittance.  This 
would  aid  greatly  in  the  celerity,  humanity  and  efficiency  of 
their  work.  So  great  is  the  importance  of  treating  all  immi- 
grants humanely  that  for  this,  if  for  no  other  reason,  it  would 
seem  desirable  for  our  government  to  fix  for  each  country  a 
maximum  figure  beyond  which  steamship  lines  would  not  be  al- 
lowed to  bring  immigrants. 

With  regard  to  methods  for  the  protection  of  immigrants 
from  exploitation,  for  their  distribution  and  for  their  employ- 
ment, I  would  merely  refer  to  the  numerous  suggestions  of  ex- 


Admission  and  Naturalization  of  Aliens     143 

pert  students  of  these  subjects.  The  single  point  on  which  I 
would  lay  emphasis  here  is  that  the  moral  sense  of  our  land 
should  be  placed  in  support  of  those  who  seek  to  carry  through 
the  needed  reforms.  Much  good  work  is  being  done  but  much 
more  might  be  accomplished  but  for  the  obstacles  put  in  the 
way  by  politicians  and  grafters.  The  churches  should  aid  in 
the  removal  of  those  obstacles.  Through  their  Federal  Council 
the  churches  should  appoint  special  experts  whose  duty  it  shall 
be  to  know  what  is  happening,  to  represent  the  conscience  and 
demands  of  Christians  in  these  matters,  and  to  appeal  to  the 
moral  support  of  Christians  at  the  polls  if  need  be  and  in  Con- 
gress on  behalf  of  those  men  and  measures  which  stand  for 
righteousness  and  square  dealing. 

It  is  important,  however,  that  all  aliens  permanently  residing 
in  America  should  be  making  steady  progress  in  assimilation, 
steady  preparation  for  citizenship.  Only  so  can  they  live  here 
profitably  for  themselves  and  satisfactorily  for  us.  For  this, 
however,  they  need  help  and  stimulus.  In  addition,  therefore, 
to  a  general  immigration  law,  and  to  laws  dealing  with  the  dis- 
tribution and  employment  of  immigrants,  our  new  policy 
should  include  provision  for  rapid  and  certain  assimilation.  In 
promotion  of  this  end  the  following  suggestions  are  offered. 

Laws  Providing  for  Alien  Registration. — The  work- 
ing classes  of  Europe  and  Japan  are  accustomed  to  registration 
and  to  constant  police  supervision.  This  serves  as  a  restraint 
from  crime.  The  removal  of  this  restraint  on  arrival  in  this 
land  is  far  from  wholesome.  All  aliens  should  be  required  to 
register  and  to  keep  registered,  paying  a  substantial  annual  fee 
of,  say,  ten  dollars,  until  naturalized.  They  should  keep  the 
bureau  informed  of  changes  of  residence.  Failure  to  pay  the 
annual  fee  or  to  keep  registered  should  be  punishable  by  fines, 
and,  if  persisted  in,  should  be  a  cause  for  deportation.  All  un- 
registered aliens  should  be  liable  to  deportation. 

The  administration  of  this  registration  law  might  be  placed 
in  the  hands  of  the  "  National  Employment  Bureau  "  whose 
entire  attitude  to  the  immigrant  and  alien  should  be  that  of  a 


144  'T^^  Fight  for  Peace 

friend  to  aid  rather  than  that  of  a  policeman  to  enforce  obnox- 
ious laws. 

Laws  Providing  for  Alien  Education. — To  aid  in  as- 
similation and  preparation  for  intelligent  citizenship  provision 
should  be  made  for  the  systematic  education  of  all  aliens.  I 
do  not  advocate  their  compulsory  education ;  nor  would  I  have 
the  Federal  Government  establish  schools  for  aliens.  What  is 
needed  is  that  a  new  standard  of  qualification  for  citizenship 
shall  be  carefully  thought  through  and  enacted  into  law  and  then 
that  a  Bureau  of  Alien  Education  be  established — possibly  as  a 
coordinate  branch  of  the  Employment  Bureau. 

The  work  of  this  Bureau  should  be  first  to  prepare  suitable 
text-books,  the  mastery  of  which  should  be  required  for 
naturalization.  There  should  be  at  least  four  text-books,  on  the 
English  language,  on  the  history  of  the  American  people,  on 
the  ideals  of  democracy,  and  on  the  methods  of  local  and 
national  government.  They  should,  of  course,  be  in  simple 
English  and  deal  only  with  general  features  and  principles. 

All  the  actual  education  of  aliens  should  be  conducted  by 
local  bodies,  such  as  Y.  M.  C.  A.'s,  churches,  night  schools. 
No  charge  should  be  made  for  tuition,  nor,  if  possible,  for  text- 
books. The  Federal  Alien  Education  Bureau  should  arrange 
for  periodical  examinations,  which  should  be  free  to  all  candi- 
dates. The  passing  of  these  examinations  should  be  an  essential 
prerequisite  for  naturalization.  There  might  be  six  examina- 
tions all  told ;  three  on  English  and  one  each  on  the  other 
topics. 

Would  it  not  be  well  to  provide  also  that  the  annual  registra- 
tion fee  be  diminished  by,  say  one  dollar  for  every  examina- 
tion passed  ?  Aliens  then  would  be  impelled  to  pass  examina- 
tions as  rapidly  as  possible,  reducing  their  registration  fees. 

Of  course,  the  establishment  and  development  of  such  an 
educational  undertaking  would  entail  enormous  work,  expense 
and  patience ;  much  common  sense  would  be  required  to  avoid 
needless  red  tape ;  those  in  charge  should  ever  seek  to  embody 
the  spirit.     The  incidental  yet  important  advantages  of  this 


Admission  and  Naturalization  of  Aliens     145 

system  would  be  innumerable.  No  small  part  of  our  national 
difficulty  with  immigration  has  been  our  laissez-faire  policy  in  re- 
gard to  their  distribution  and  education  for  citizenship.  The 
methods  of  registration,  distribution  and  education  here  sug- 
gested would  not  only  meet  the  difficulties  due  to  congestion 
and  ignorance  of  our  American  system  of  government  and  life, 
but  would  also  enable  the  authorities  to  detect  and  deport  such 
as  may  have  made  their  way  into  America  illegitimately.  The 
systematic  care  and  education  of  all  aliens  in  America  is  es- 
sential to  the  welfare  of  the  country,  of  far  more  practical  and 
also  of  more  pressing  importance  than  our  splendid  educational 
enterprise  in  the  Philippines. 

Laws  Making  Eligibility  for  Citizenship  Dependent 
upon  Individual  Qualification. — Race  of  itself  alone  should 
no  longer  be  a  disqualification  for  citizenship.  The  law  of  1 790 
(amended  in  1875)  which  provides  that  eligibility  for  citizen- 
ship applies  only  to  ''aliens  being  free  white  persons  and  to 
aliens  of  African  nativity  and  to  persons  of  African  descent  " 
should  be  changed  to  read,  "Aliens  of  any  race  are  eligible 
for  citizenship."  Let  us  raise  the  standards  for  naturalization 
as  high  as  may  be  needed,  but,  whatever  the  standards  are,  let 
us  apply  them  impartially  to  all  races.  Whoever  qualifies 
should  be  admitted. 

This  and  this  alone  will  meet  the  demand  of  every  self- 
respecting  people  for  treatment  that  is  in  harmony  with  their 
national  honor  and  make  continued  friendship  possible.  This, 
moreover,  is  the  only  condition  upon  which  the  United  States 
can  really  carry  out  its  comprehensive  democratic  experiment 
announced  to  the  world  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence — 
that  all  men  are  bom  free  and  equal.  This  single  provision 
will  do  more  to  solve  the  problem  of  right  dealing  with  Asiatics 
in  the  United  States  than  any  other  single  measure ;  for  it  will 
make  the  vote  of  citizens  of  Asiatic  ancestry  an  object  of  con- 
cern to  politicians.  This  will  save  Asiatics  from  being  the  ob- 
ject of  attack  by  every  scheming  politician  and  crafty  party 
leader.     The  most  fruitful  source  of  all  the  ill-treatment  of  Asi- 


146  The  Fight  for  Peace 

atics  in  America  has  been  the  fact  that  they  could  be  made  the 
football  of  politics  both  local  and  national,  and  this  is  because 
there  was  no  Asiatic  vote  for  politicians  to  win. 

Laws  Regarding  Naturalization. — The  responsibility 
of  granting  naturalization  to  aliens  should  be  taken  away  from 
courts  which  were  not  constituted  for  such  a  function,  and 
vested  in  a  body  specially  formed  for  that  purpose.  Every 
candidate  for  citizenship  should  present  a  certificate  of  gradua- 
tion from  the  Bureau  of  Alien  Education.  The  Bureau  of 
Naturalization  should  also  procure  certificates  of  good  behavior 
from  the  Bureau  of  Registration.  Naturalization  should  be 
given  only  to  those  morally  as  well  as  educationally  qualified. 

The  ceremonial  of  naturalization,  moreover,  should  be  of  a 
character  fitted  to  impress  the  new  citizen  with  the  nature  of 
the  step  being  taken  ;  namely,  the  renunciation  of  allegiance  to 
his  native  land  and  the  acceptance  of  the  sovereignty  of  the 
adopted  land. 

A  single  day,  or  at  most  two  days,  might  be  selected  for  the 
naturalization  service — Washington's  Birthday  and  the  Fourth 
of  July.  The  oath  of  allegiance  should  be  administered  with 
full  solemnity.  Might  not  all  American  citizens  reaching  the 
age  of  twenty-one  also  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  at  the  same 
service  ?  Let  each  national  group  march  by  itself  to  the  court,  or 
schoolhouse  or  open  square,  each  group  bearing  its  own  national 
flag;  American  born  young  men,  however,  might, carry  a  flag 
of  pure  white.  At  the  appointed  signal  let  all  the  flags  be 
lowered.  Let  all  right  hands  be  raised  and  let  the  new  citizens 
take  the  oath  declaring  their  allegiance,  with  bowed  heads  and 
subdued  voice,  using  the  words,  "I  do."  Then  let  each  new 
citizen  receive  a  miniature  American  flag  with  the  year  woven 
into  its  fabric,  to  be  kept  as  a  memento  of  the  event.  There 
should  of  course  be  welcome  orations  and  responses  by  repre- 
sentatives of  the  groups.  Patriotic  music  and  banquets  and 
speeches,  with  appropriate  pins,  banners  and  badges  could  make 
the  event  of  supreme  significance  in  the  lives  of  the  new  citi- 
zens.    Might  it  not  be  wise  also  to  extend  this  system  of  edu- 


Admission  and  Naturalization  of  Aliens     147 

cation  for  citizenship,  with  examinations,  to  all  native-born 
Americans  who  reach  the  voting  age?  Surely  the  responsi- 
bilities of  citizenship  are  too  great  to  be  intrusted  to  those  who 
are  not  qualified,  and  the  mere  fact  of  birth  in  America,  or 
even  of  graduation  from  the  grammar-school,  is  not  an  adequate 
guarantee  of  such  qualification.  Especially  important  does  this 
suggestion  appear  to  be  in  the  case  of  children  one  or  both  of 
whose  parents  are  foreign-born. 

Laws  Providing  Direct  Federal  Responsibility  in 
all  Legal  and  Legislative  Matters  Involving  Aliens. — 
Aliens  are  guests  of  the  nation,  not  of  the  states;  and  the 
nation  is  responsible  to  foreign  governments  for  their  just  treat- 
ment. Foreign  governments  have  no  relation  with  the  states, 
but  only  with  the  Federal  Government.  It  is,  therefore,  the 
duty  of  the  Federal  Government  to  provide  that  the  treaty  rights 
of  aliens  are  accorded  them.  It  logically  follows  that  legal 
proceedings  involving  aliens  should  be  handled  exclusively  in 
federal,  not  in  state  courts.  The  nation  should  provide  that 
treaty  rights  are  accorded  aliens,  regardless  of  the  ignorance  or 
prejudice  of  unfriendly  localities. 

It  would  doubtless  be  wise  by  special  provision  to  allow  local 
courts  to  handle  minor  matters,  such  as  misdemeanors  and 
transgressions  of  police  regulations  and  city  ordinances.  The 
general  principle,  however,  should  be  as  stated  above.  To  some 
this  suggestion  may  seem  a  matter  chiefly  of  theory,  yet  it  is  at 
this  moment  one  of  international  importance.  States  to-day 
hide  behind  the  national  flag  for  protection  from  the  conse- 
quences of  their  ill-treatment  of  the  citizens  of  Japan  and 
China. 

The  anomalous,  not  to  say  self-contradictory,  position  of  the 
United  States  in  its  relations  to  foreign  nations  has  already 
been  brought  out  in  our  discussion  of  the  Chinese  and  Japa- 
nese problems.  The  serious  character  of  this  situation  is  not 
really  appreciated  by  most  of  our  citizens.  Our  treaties  are 
declared  to  be  the  supreme  law  of  the  land.  Yet  the  Adminis- 
tration has  not  been  given  the  legal  power  to  enforce  treaty 


148  The  Fight  for  Peace 

obligations  upon  any  state  that  chooses  to  ignore  or  override 
them. 

Presidents  Harrison,  McKinley,  Roosevelt  and  Taft  all  de- 
sired Congress  to  enact  laws  that  would  enable  the  Adminis- 
tration to  provide  for  aliens  the  care  and  safety  promised  by 
the  treaties.  No  constitutional  difficulty  intervenes.  Yet  no 
action  has  been  taken. 

At  present  the  most  serious  danger  of  war  with  a  foreign 
land  arises  through  our  failure  at  this  point.  When  white  men 
are  murdered  in  China,  no  European  country  accepts  the  state- 
ment that  Peking  is  not  responsible.  Occidentals  at  once  send 
gunboats  and  insist  that  the  culprits  shall  be  punished.  Yet 
the  United  States  has  repeatedly  said  to  foreign  governments 
that  it  is  unable  either  to  protect  their  citizens  from  race  or 
mob  violence,  or  to  punish  Americans  involved  in  crimes 
against  aliens,  because  all  such  matters  come  under  the  juris- 
diction of  states.  Outrages  of  this  character  began  in  181 1, 
the  last  case  having  taken  place  in  1910.  Many  scores  have 
been  killed  and  hundreds  injured  in  person  and  property  yet, 
according  to  the  statement  of  Mr.  Taft,^  in  not  a  single  case 
have  the  perpetrators  of  these  outrages  been  punished.  The 
bill  proposed  to  give  adequate  jurisdiction  to  the  federal  courts 
is  as  follows : 

Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
United  States  of  America,  in  Congress  assembled,  that  any  act 
committed  in  any  state  or  territory  of  the  United  States  in  violation 
of  the  rights  of  a  citizen  or  subject  of  a  foreign  country  secured  to 
such  citizen  or  subject  by  treaty  between  the  United  States  and 
such  foreign  country,  which  act  constitutes  a  crime  under  the  laws 
of  such  state  or  territory,  shall  constitute  a  like  crime  against  the 
peace  and  dignity  of  the  United  States,  punishable  in  like  manner 
as  in  the  courts  of  said  state  or  territory,  and  within  the  period 
limited  by  the  laws  of  such  state  or  territory,  and  may  be  prose- 
cuted in  the  courts  of  the  United  States,  and,  upon  conviction,  the 
sentence  executed  in  like  manner  as  sentences  upon  convictions  for 
crimes  under  the  laws  of  the  United  States. 

1 "  The  United  States  and  Peace,"  page  44. 


Admission  and  Naturalization  of  Aliens     149 

Hon.  Wm.  H.  Taft  closed  his  address  on  this  matter 
(Dec.  10,  1914)  with  the  following  words: 

"  We  are  under  obligation  by  many  of  our  treaties  to  give 
aliens  peaceful  residence  and  right  to  do  business  in  this  country. 
Congress  could  give  to  our  national  government,  to  the  Presi- 
dent and  the  Federal  Courts  the  power  to  protect  those  rights, 
punish  their  violation  and  satisfy  the  countries  with  whom  we 
have  made  the  agreement  that  we  were  sincerely  trying  to 
perform  it.  The  only  real  possibility  of  a  war  that  I  can 
foresee  is  the  wanton,  reckless,  wicked  willingness  on  the  part 
of  a  narrow  section  of  the  country  to  gratify  racial  prejudice 
and  class  hatred  by  flagrant  breach  of  treaty  rights  in  the 
form  of  state  law,  or  by  lawless  violence.  Congress  should 
at  once  assume  authority  for  the  national  government  to  see 
to  it  that  it  cannot  be  dragged  into  international  difficulty 
through  such  blind  selfishness,  and  this  step  would  be  quite 
as  effective  as  improving  our  military  defenses.  Indeed  1 
think  it  would  be  more  effective  to  prevent  the  possibility  of 
war.** 

Such  are  the  outlines  of  a  comprehensive  policy  for  the  treat- 
ment of  all  races  and  nations  and  the  care  of  all  resident  aliens 
in  our  land. 

The  early  adoption  of  some  such  policy  as  this  is  important. 
Unless  something  is  done  there  is  every  reason  to  anticipate 
further  invidious  race  legislation  in  one  or  another  of  the  states 
and  possibly  also  in  Congress.  Further  discriminative  legisla- 
tion, however,  would  still  further  alienate  the  friendly  feeling 
of  Japan  and  China  and  render  still  more  complicated  and 
difficult  of  solution  the  international  situation.  The  early 
adoption  of  the  main  features  of  this  policy  would  assure  the 
Pacific  Coast  on  the  one  hand  that  no  swamping  Asiatic  im- 
migration is  to  be  allowed.  It  would  give  the  labor  unions 
assurance  that  capitalists  could  not  suddenly  import  Asiatic 
labor  with  which  to  fight  white  union  labor.  It  would  remove 
the  blot  on  the  fair  name  of  the  United  States  for  failure  to 
observe  treaty  obligations.     It  would  satisfy  Japan,  for  it  would 


1 5©  The  Fight  for  Peace 

do  away  with  that  differential  race  treatment  which  is  to  them 
so  mortifying. 

As  regards  the  Chinese  also,  the  situation  would  be  much 
improved.  The  fairness  of  our  policy,  adopted  by  us  with  no 
pressure  from  her  side,  would  serve  to  strengthen  and  deepen 
the  spirit  of  friendship  for  America  and  render  still  more  effect- 
ive American  influence  in  guiding  that  new  republic  through 
the  troublous  times  that  are  surely  ahead. 

If  America  can  permanently  hold  the  friendship  and  trust 
of  Japan  and  China  through  just,  courteous  and  kindly  treat- 
ment, she  will  thereby  destroy  the  anticipated  anti-white  Asiatic 
solidarity.  If  America  proves  to  Asia  that  one  white  people  at 
least  does  not  despise  Asiatics  as  such  nor  seek  to  exploit  them, 
but  rather,  on  a  basis  of  mutual  respect  and  justice,  seeks  their 
real  prosperity,  they  will  discover  that  what  they  feared  as  the 
white  peril  is,  in  fact,  an  inestimable  benefit.  And  that  change 
of  feeling  will  bring  to  naught  the  yellow  peril  now  dreaded  by 
the  whites.  Such  policy,  moreover,  as  the  one  here  briefly 
sketched,  promises  to  solve  the  many  perplexing  questions  that 
envelop  immigration  from  Europe. 

Even  from  the  lower  standpoint  of  commercial  and  economic 
interests,  the  policy  of  justice  toward  and  friendship  with  the 
Orient  is  beyond  question  the  right  one.  Armed  conflict  or 
even  merely  sullen  hostility  mightily  hampers  trade  success. 
Rapid  internal  development  in  China  and  a  rising  standard  of 
life  among  her  millions  means  enormous  trade  with  America — 
if  we  are  friendly  and  just.  And  unselfish  friendship  and  jus- 
tice on  our  side  will  hasten  mightily  the  uplift  of  China's 
millions.  Our  own  highest  prosperity  is  inseparable  from  that 
of  all  Asia.  So  long  as  friendship  is  maintained  and  peace 
based  on  just  international  relations,  the  military  yellow  peril 
will  be  impossible.  In  proportion  as  the  scale  of  living  among 
Asia's  working  millions  rises  to  the  level  of  our  own  is  the 
danger  of  an  economic  yellow  peril  diminished. 

Every  consideration,  therefore,  of  justice,  humanity,  and 
self-interest  demands  the  early  adoption  of  the  general  prin- 


Admission  and  Naturalization  of  Aliens     151 

ciples  of  this  new  policy.  It  conserves  all  the  interests  of  the 
East  and  the  West  and  is  in  harmony  with  the  new  era  of  uni- 
versal evolution  of  mankind. 

In  his  notable  address  at  Mobile  (October,  1913)  President 
Wilson  well  stated  the  general  principles  of  true  international 
relationships.  He  was  speaking,  it  is  true,  with  the  South 
American  nations  in  view,  but  his  words  are  equally  true  of 
the  world  as  a  whole.     As  reported  by  the  press,  he  said : 

**  We  must  prove  ourselves  their  friends  and  champions,  upon 
terms  of  equality  and  honor.  You  cannot  be  fiends  upon  any 
other  terms  than  upon  the  terms  of  equality. 

"  You  cannot  be  friends  at  all  except  upon  the  terms  of  honor, 
and  we  must  show  ourselves  friends  by  comprehending  their  inter- 
est, whether  it  squares  with  our  interest  or  not.  It  is  a  very 
perilous  thing  to  determine  the  foreign  policy  of  a  nation  in  the 
terms  of  material  interest.  It  not  only  is  unfair  to  those  with  whom 
you  are  dealing  but  it  is  degrading  upon  the  part  of  your  own 
actions. 

**  Human  rights,  national  integrity  and  opportunity,  as  against 
material  interests — that,  ladies  and  gentlemen,  is  the  issue  which 
we  now  have  to  face. 

**  I  want  to  take  this  occasion  to  say  that  the  United  States  will 
never  again  seek  one  additional  foot  of  territory  by  conquest.  She 
will  devote  herself  to  showing  that  she  knows  how  to  make  honor- 
able and  fruitful  use  of  the  territory  she  has.  And  she  must  regard 
it  as  one  of  the  duties  of  friendship  to  see  that  from  no  quarter  are 
material  interests  made  superior  to  human  Hberty  and  national 
opportunity." 

These  are  the  principles  which  should  underlie  the  policy  of 
every  nation  in  Christendom  in  its  relations  to  the  Orient  and 
to  each  other.  Who  can  foretell  the  changes  in  the  attitude 
of  the  Orient  toward  Christendom  in  its  receptiveness  of  our 
ways  of  life  and  thought  if  the  national  policies  of  the  world 
should  be  really  controlled  by  principles  of  true  friendship  ? 

Who,  now,  are  the  individuals  and  groups  to  inaugurate  and 
carry  through  such  a  policy  as  this  unless  it  be  the  professed 
followers  of  the  Prince  of  Peace  ? 


xm 

THE  CHURCHES  AND  THE  SENSATIONAL  PRESS 

ON  the  twenty-seventh  of  September,  1914,  I  had  an 
interview  with  reporters  of  six  of  the  principal  New 
York  papers.  Baron  von  Shoen  had  a  few  days 
before  startled  the  country  by  an  unqualified  state- 
ment of  Japanese  hatred  for  America  and  asserted  their  uni- 
versal expectation  of  an  inevitable  war  with  us.  Repudiation 
of  the  interview  had  been  promptly  announced  both  by  himself 
and  by  Ambassador  Baron  von  Bernstorff.  The  papers,  how- 
ever, were  eager  for  any  information  bearing  on  Japan's  attitude 
and  also  on  Baron  von  Shoen's  truthfulness.  In  order  to  avoid 
danger  of  misreporting  I  prepared  a  careful  statement  of  what 
I  was  ready  to  say ;  and  when  the  reporters  arrived,  after  a  few 
minutes'  chat,  I  read  them  my  statement,  answered  some  ques- 
tions, put  a  copy  of  what  I  had  read  into  the  hands  of  each, 
and  let  them  go.  The  next  morning  one  of  the  papers  came 
out  with  the  head-line : 

'<  Treaty  Didn't  Force  Japan  Into  War,  Says  Gulick." 

What  I  had  said  on  that  point  was :  "  I  do  not  see  how  any 
one  acquainted  with  the  terms  of  the  Anglo-Japanese  Alliance 
can  say  that  Japan  was  not  under  obligations  to  unite  with 
England  in  driving  Germany  out." 

On  the  second  of  October  one  of  the  New  York  papers  had  a 
column  with  the  head-line : 

"Conflict  With  Japan  Certain,  Asserts  Mann.'* 

Under  this  head-line  was  a  report  of  Representative  Mann's 
speech  in  Congress  opposing  the  Philippine  Bill.  He  was  argu- 
ing that  the  awakening  of  China  means  at  some  future  date  a 

152 


The  Churches  and  the  Sensational  Press     1 53 

vast  war  between  East  and  West  and  that  America  should 
retain  the  Philippines  permanently  as  a  base  in  that  conflict. 
In  view  of  the  contents,  how  misleading  the  head-line  ! 

At  the  Japan  Society  dinner  of  welcome  to  Dr.  S.  Takata, 
Hon.  G.  Masuda  and  their  traveling  companions,  October  2, 
1914,  Dr.  Hamilton  Mabie  and  I  both  spoke  in  strong  terms 
of  the  international  crime  committed  by  irresponsible  reports 
and  sensational  head-lines.  As  the  meeting  broke  up  a  group 
of  reporters  lingered  and  we  had  a  frank  talk.  They  told  me 
not  to  consider  reporters  responsible  for  the  head-lines.  The 
latter  are  all  written  by  specialists.  The  blame  should  fall  on 
them.  The  reporters  themselves  are  helpless  victims  of  a  vi- 
cious system.  The  man  in  the  office  even  adds  quotation  marks 
if  he  thinks  they  will  add  to  the  interest ! 

The  following  day  another  New  York  daily  contained  this 
startling  assertion : 

"  U.  S.-Jap  War  Sure,  Says  Dr.  S.  L.  Gulick  " 

Of  the  ten  lines  given  below  the  startling  head-line  cited  above 
I  acknowledge  the  substantial  accuracy  of  this  sentence,  **  So 
long  as  the  people  of  the  Western  world  treat  the  people  of  the 
Orient  unfairly  we  can  look  forward  to  nothing  but  a  gigantic 
struggle  so  soon  as  the  people  across  the  sea  are  ready  for  it." 
But  I  deny  in  toto  the  following  sentence  also  credited  to  me 
with  quotation  marks,  "Representative  Mann's  fear  that  the 
Philippine  Islands  will  be  the  cause  of  a  great  struggle  in  the 
Pacific  Ocean  is  well  founded." 

But  what  is  the  result  of  such  misleading  and  sensational 
head-lines  ?  In  the  first  place,  the  continual  assertion  year  after 
year  of  inevitable  war  begets  suspicion  and  animosity  among 
the  masses  against  the  nation  maligned.  Indeed,  as  result  of 
these  methods  and  for  no  other  reason  large  sections  of  the 
American  people  are  to-day  quite  prepared  mentally  for  con- 
flict with  Japan.  Where  there  is  so  much  smoke  there  must 
be  some  fire,  they  argue.  It  would  not  surprise  them  if  Japan 
were  to  attack  us  on  some  small  pretext  at  any  time.     If  war 


154  The  Fight  for  Peace 

with  Japan  is  inevitable,  many  are  thinking,  the  sooner  we 
undertake  it  the  better — before  Japan  gets  any  more  prepared 
for  it. 

In  the  second  place,  startling  head-lines  are  cabled  to  Japan. 
The  corrections  contained  in  the  column  fail  to  cross  the  seas. 
Belief  is  thus  engendered  in  Japan  that  we  want  war. 

In  a  word,  irresponsible,  sensational  head-lines  definitely  pre- 
dicting war  with  a  certain  country  are  potent  factors  in  produc- 
ing that  state  of  belief  and  emotion  in  the  two  nations  concerned 
that  may  easily  seize  on  some  relatively  trivial  event  and  make 
it  the  cause  of  a  needless  war. 

The  awful  tragedy  in  Europe  indeed  is  an  instructive  warn- 
ing of  what  a  chauvinistic  press  can  accomplish.  The  murder 
at  Serajevo  was  no  proper  cause  of  an  all-Europe  conflict.  But 
the  assertions  hurled  back  and  forth  over  the  various  boundaries 
for  a  couple  of  years,  some  of  them  true,  no  doubt,  but  many 
of  them  untrue,  had  produced  such  a  tension  in  every  country, 
such  suspicions  and  animosities,  such  scorn,  distrust  and  con- 
tempt for  each  other,  that  each  nation  felt  a  struggle  was  in- 
evitable and  each  had  long  been  preparing  for  it ;  each  wished 
to  begin  the  war  under  conditions  most  favorable  to  itself. 

Nations  may  be  hypnotized  as  well  as  individuals.  They 
may  be  swung  off  their  balance  by  small  but  suggestive  events 
because  the  nation-wide  hypnotic  conditions  have  been  previ- 
ously produced.  The  late  American-Spanish  war  is  a  case  in 
point.  Newspapers  take  an  increasingly  important  part  in 
determining  nations  for  war  or  for  peace  by  the  state  of  mind 
which  they  cultivate  among  their  readers. 

Now  in  proportion  as  nations  become  democratic  and  the 
people  determine  war  or  peace,  it  is  of  the  highest  importance 
that  they  be  given  correct  and  adequate  international  news. 
They  need  not  only  news  in  the  usual  narrow  meaning,  but  in- 
formation in  a  large  way,  prepared  by  writers  of  adequate 
training,  sympathetic  insight  and  generous  spirit.  This  atti- 
tude can  be  cultivated  among  peoples  no  less  than  the  attitude 
of  animosity,  suspicion  and  ill-wilL 


The  Churches  and  the  Sensational  Press     155 

In  confirmation  of  this  general  contention  as  to  the  dangerous 
character  of  fallacious  head-lines,  1  cite  a  recent  illustration 
from  Japan. 

On  August  8th  one  of  the  most  important  papers  of  Tokyo 
published  an  extra  giving  a  telegram  to  the  effect  that  America 
was  about  to  send  her  Atlantic  fleet  to  the  Orient.  All  Tokyo 
was  excited  to  a  higher  pitch  than  at  any  time  during  the 
California  Alien  Land  Law  agitation.  In  view  of  the  situation 
in  Europe  and  the  conflict  of  Great  Britain  with  Germany,  it 
was  assumed  that  the  United  States  was  going  to  take  advantage 
of  the  opportunity  to  crush  Japan  while  her  allies  could  render 
no  help.  Thoughtful  Japanese  and  Americans,  of  course,  dis- 
credited the  rumor.  The  excitement  was  allayed  the  following 
day  by  the  statement  of  the  American  Ambassador  that  the 
rumor  was  without  foundation.  But  what  a  disclosure  it  was 
of  the  possible  disastrous  consequences  of  false  international 
news !  The  repeated  utterances  of  America's  and  Japan's 
chauvinistic,  irresponsible  press  have  produced  in  Japan  such  a 
state  of  mind  that  it  was  possible  for  masses  of  Japanese  to 
think  of  America  as  ready  to  pounce  upon  and  do  to  Japan 
what  Germany  had  just  done  to  Belgium. 

In  ordinary  times  of  peace  the  average  American  daily  con- 
tains practically  no  information  about  foreign  lands.  When 
war  clouds  suddenly  loom  on  the  horizon  or  war  rumors  are 
afloat,  scare  head-lines  lure  the  pennies  from  pockets  of  the 
curious  and  give  them  incidentally  international  opinions  and 
prejudices.  The  press  is  the  instrument  of  every  interest, 
many  of  them  wholly  to  be  commended,  but  many  of  them 
crafty  and  deceitful.  These  latter  have  studied  how  to  manipu- 
late popular  feeling  and  secure  desired  ends.  Unscrupulous 
capital  owns  many  a  paper  whose  object  is  wholly  selfish. 
Truth  is  suppressed,  facts  distorted,  suspicions  aroused,  even 
direct  falsehoods  boldly  declared. 

These  are  facts  widely  known,  yet  the  Christian  Church 
makes  no  adequate  effort  to  abate  the  enormous  evil.  It  takes 
no  steps  to  insure  that  the  press  shall  tell  the  truth,  and  possibly 


1 56  The  Fight  for  Peace 

because  it  has  no  power  to  act  effectively.  The  harm  wrought 
to  national  politics  need  not  here  be  considered.  It  is  fairly 
well-known.  Moreover,  each  blatant  sheet  in  a  measure  cor- 
rects its  foe ;  and  after  all  the  real  damage  is  perhaps  not  so 
great.  All  learn  to  make  allowances  for  political  slanders.  It 
is  important,  however,  to  emphasize  the  injury  wrought  by  in- 
ternational slander.  The  reader  as  a  rule  has  no  corrective ; 
he  possesses  no  background  of  personal  knowledge  from  which 
to  estimate  assertions  about  foreign  lands.  All  the  news  is  ac- 
cepted with  unsuspecting  alacrity  and  every  malicious  story 
about  ambitious  designs  and  crafty  methods  of  neighboring 
countries  is  readily  accepted  and  calls  forth  resentment  and 
wholesale  condemnation. 

A  frequently  repeated  story  of  Japanese  financial  irresponsi- 
bility is  that  all  Japanese  banks  have  to  employ  Chinese  clerks. 
This  is  absolutely  false.  Equally  false  is  the  recurrent  story  that 
Japanese  in  California  have  formed  military  companies  and  are 
drilling  preparatory  to  "the  day."  Having  investigated  both 
these  stories,  I  know  they  are  groundless. 

Beyond  question  the  present  tragedy  in  Europe  has  been 
deliberately  engineered  by  crafty  use  of  the  press.  The  peoples 
of  each  land  have  been  persuaded  to  believe  the  very  worst  of 
each  other.  Not  until  those  who  love  truth  take  this  matter  in 
hand  and  insist  that  international  news  shall  be  honest  will  the 
time  come  when  nations  will  consent  to  diminish  their  armaments 
and  world-peace  be  possible.  People  arm  because  they  are 
afraid  of  a  possible  attack ;  they  are  afraid  because  they  dis- 
trust their  neighbors.  They  distrust  their  neighbors  because 
of  their  supposed  knowledge  of  their  character.  **  If  the  light 
that  is  in  you  be  darkness,  how  great  is  that  darkness."  To- 
day every  nation  is  neighbor  to  every  other.  Never  before  was 
it  so  important,  therefore,  that  international  news  should  be 
honest. 

To  see  an  evil,  however,  is  one  thing ;  to  remedy  it  another. 
Many  are  deploring  the  damage  and  the  menace  of  an  irre- 
sponsible press.     But  what  is  to  be  done  ?    What  especially  is 


The  Churches  and  the  Sensational  Press     J  57 

the  duty  of  Christians  and  of  the  Church  in  this  matter  ?  We 
note  first  three  important  cautions  : 

Efforts  to  prevent  the  evils  of  a  free  press  must  not  ignore  its 
benefits.  The  crimes  of  the  guilty  few  must  not  blind  our  eyes 
to  the  many  who  are  in  this  matter  following  splendid  ideals. 
Neither  should  we  forget  that  the  modern  newspaper  is  a  highly 
complex  organism,  run  at  high  pressure  and  in  the  midst  of 
noise  and  confusion  indescribable.  The  daily  press  is  one  of 
the  most  astonishing  creations  of  this  astonishing  age.  It  is 
the  great  national  educator.  It  unifies  the  life  of  the  nation, 
helping  us  all  to  know  at  the  same  time  the  events  of  the  cur- 
rent life  of  the  world. 

We  must,  moreover,  distinguish  between  the  occasional  slip 
of  papers  ordinarily  accurate  and  conscientious  and  the  steady 
stream  of  evil  poured  out  on  society  by  those  papers  whose 
habit  is  irresponsible  sensationalism.  The  former  constitute  the 
large  majority.  Nevertheless,  the  harm  done  by  the  latter  is 
enormous,  and  its  habits  are  contagious.  Evil  communica- 
tions corrupt  good  morals,  even  among  papers. 

And  in  the  third  place,  the  freedom  of  the  American  press  is 
of  priceless  value.  It  is  vital  to  a  real  democracy.  A  muzzled 
press  is  in  the  long  run  more  dangerous  to  the  best  life  of  a 
people  than  a  sensational  press,  if  really  free.  For  the  latter 
produces  in  time  its  own  anti-toxin.  By  the  former,  the  people 
are  officially  kept  in  complete  ignorance  of  specific  matters — 
are  systematically  hypnotized.  All  the  papers  are  compelled 
by  their  government  to  aid  in  the  hypnotization  and  deception. 
A  sensational  press,  however,  becomes  tiresome  in  time  to  the 
majority.  Moreover,  if  the  press  is  free,  critics  of  sensational 
utterances  have  an  open  field  to  denounce  and  expose. 

Liberty  of  the  press,  accordingly,  must  be  preserved.  But 
liberty  of  the  press  surely  does  not  include  unlimited  right  to 
manufacture  news  in  San  Francisco  and  send  it  out  to  the 
country  as  the  latest  telegrams  from  Tokyo  or  Peking.  Yet 
that  is  the  kind  of  influence  that  crafty  men  are  exerting  on  the 
international  policies  of  the  United  States. 


158  The  Fight  for  Peace 

I  make  four  suggestions  as  to  how  the  international  dangers 
of  yellow  journalism  may  be  combated. 

1.  Each  local  Church  Peace  League  might  well  provide  for 
public  discussions  of  this  problem.  Local  campaigns  should  be 
carried  through  the  churches  of  a  city  and  the  community 
should  be  aroused.  The  general  character  and  accuracy  of  the 
local  press  should  be  a  matter  of  local  interest  and  be  secured 
through  the  action  of  local  public  opinion.  Pressure  might  also 
be  brought  to  bear  upon  local  papers  to  publish  more,  and 
more  reliable,  international  news.  But  the  most  important  sin- 
gle demand  should  be  that  foreign  news  should  be  a  matter  of 
personal  responsibility  ;  the  name  of  the  man  who  is  authority 
for  the  news  should  be  given.  The  possibility  of  continued  in- 
ternational slander  is  largely  due  to  its  impersonal  irresponsi- 
bility. Who,  for  instance,  is  the  man  who  reports  fake  **  news  " 
from  Japan  ?     We  need  to  know  who  the  men  are  that  mislead  us. 

2.  Let  the  churches  through  the  Federal  Council  Peace 
Commission  or  the  Church  Peace  Union  establish  a  Committee 
on  International  News.  The  duties  of  this  Committee  should 
be  to  watch  the  sensational  head-lines  dealing  with  foreign  lands. 
Head-lines  should  be  compared  with  the  contents.  Where 
serious  discrepancy  occurs  the  attention  of  the  paper  should  be 
called  to  the  misleading  character  of  its  head-lines  and  to  the 
possible  damage  to  international  relations  resulting  from  such 
head-lines,  for  multitudes  of  the  readers  see'nothing  but  the 
head-lines.  Request  should  be  made  to  the  editor  for  more 
care  in  the  future.  Subsequent  action  of  the  paper  concerned 
should  be  watched. 

When  it  is  found  that  any  particular  paper  indulges  in  such 
misleading  head-lines,  a  general  warning  should  be  given  it  that 
unless  it  changes  its  method,  its  name  will  be  entered  on  the 
list  of  papers  whose  treatment  of  news  dealing  with  foreign 
lands  is  to  be  distrusted. 

From  time  to  time  the  Committee  on  International  News 
should  report  to  all  papers,  secular  and  religious,  and  to  pas- 
tors throughout  the  country  the  list  of  such  papers.     In  this 


The  Churches  and  the  Sensational  Press     159 

way  the  wholesome  pressure  of  publicity  and  public  opinion  and 
the  universal  demand  for  honest  news  might  be  brought  to  bear 
upon  offending  papers.. 

This  method  of  combating  misleading  head-lines  and  falsified 
news  will,  of  course,  be  resented  by  those  whose  vicious  or 
careless  practices  are  interfered  with.  But  responsible  papers 
would  doubtless  welcome  any  honest  endeavor  to  check  in 
legitimate  fashion  the  practices  of  the  irresponsible  few,  which 
bring  opprobrium  on  all  and  work  incalculable  damage.  Of 
course,  common  sense  must  characterize  the  ^acts  of  such  a 
Committee  on  International  News. 

This  same  Commission  might  also  have  as  one  of  its  duties 
the  investigation  of  the  reliability  and  veracity  of  alleged  for- 
eign news  which,  by  its  very  nature,  is  harmful  to  international 
relations  of  friendship  and  appears  to  be  malicious  in  charac- 
ter. Such  "news"  is  almost  invariably  anonymous.  *♦  It  is 
reported  from  Tokyo  on  the  best  of  authority"  is  the  vague 
way  usually  adopted  for  introducing  the  material.  Mr.  Ches- 
ter H.  Rowell,  for  instance,  writing  in  the  World*s  Work  for 
June,  1 913,  said  :  "  As  I  write  these  lines  a  mob  of  20,000  Jap- 
anese is  surging  through  the  streets  of  Tokyo  demanding  war 
with  America."  As  a  matter  of  fact  I  myself  happened  to  be 
in  Japan  at  the  time  and  know  that  it  was  not  so.  Mr.  Rowell 
doubtless  relied  on  some  supposedly  trustworthy  telegram.  He 
did  not,  however,  give  the  source  of  his  information.  Whoever 
read  Mr.  Rowell' s  article  was  persuaded  that  a  situation  existed 
in  Japan  which  in  point  of  fact  did  not  exist. 

Now  what  should  be  done  in  such  cases  ?  Should  it  not  be 
the  duty  of  some  responsible  parties,  say  the  Commission  on 
International  News,  to  find  out  from  Mr.  Rowell  whence  he 
got  his  information  ?  He  would  doubtless  refer  to  some  tele- 
gram. The  matter  should  then  be  followed  up  and  the  paper 
publishing  it  should  be  asked  as  to  the  source  of  the  telegram 
in-Jquestion ;  the  fact  should  be  made  certain  when  and  where 
and  by  whom  the  alleged  news  was  manufactured.  It  should 
be  traced  to  its  personal  source. 


i6o  The  Fight  for  Peace 

Should  it  be  found  that  such  malicious  **  news  "  continuously 
comes  from  any  single  paper  or  individual,  then  the  Commis- 
sion on  International  News,  after  suitable  warning  and  failure 
to  secure  proper  response,  should  take  methods  of  warning  the 
papers  and  the  people  generally  against  the  culprit. 

Reasons  exist  for  thinking  that  certain  foreigners  in  Japan 
are  continuously  sending  so-called  "news"  to  America  of  a 
malicious  nature  that  is  published  always  anonymously.  If  we 
could  find  out  with  certainty  the  names  of  these  individuals, 
public  opinion  would  soon  eliminate  them.  If  the  authors  of 
malicious  "news"  were  in  danger  of  public  exposure,  knowl- 
edge of  that  fact  would  serve  as  a  wholesome  preventive. 

Few  of  those  who  indulge  in  such  matters  probably  realize 
the  extent  of  the  harm  they  are  doing.  It  is  probably  to  them 
either  a  matter  of  amusement,  of  making  a  few  dollars,  or  of 
venting  some  personal  spite.  International  slander,  however, 
is  a  crime  of  the  gravest  character,  even  though  it  is  not  pun- 
ishable by  the  laws  of  any  nation.  It  does  inestimable  wrong 
to  both  the  peoples  involved.  For  it  evokes  those  feelings  of 
animosity,  suspicion,  scorn,  and  condemnation,  which  are  unjusti- 
fied by  facts,  and  they  make  impossible  the  mutual  appreciation 
which  knowledge  of  the  real  facts  would  normally  secure. 

What,  however,  should  be  done  in  the  case  of  papers  that 
refuse  to  give  the  names  of  those  who  manufacture  malicious 
news?  If  such  "news"  could  be  traced  to  one  paper  as  its 
source,  the  publication  of  its  name  in  the  list  of  the  untrust- 
worthy might  possibly  answer.  But  in  the  case  of  telegraphic 
news  that  appears  simultaneously  in  many  papers,  what  should 
be  done  ? 

To  meet  the  situation  adequately,  do  we  not  need  a  federal 
law  that  would  compel  papers  to  disclose  the  names  of  the 
persons  from  whom  they  receive  news  ?  The  important  point 
is  to  fix  personal  responsibility. 

Should  not  the  law  also  provide  that  any  paper  convicted 
of  publishing  telegraphic  or  other  news  which  is  either  fabricated 
or  maliciously  exaggerated  should  be  required  to  publish,  in 


The  Churches  and  the  Sensational  Press     161 

equally  conspicuous  type  and  place  as  the  original  news,  the 
fact  of  its  conviction,  the  correction,  and  the  name  of  the 
responsible  individual.  Some  specially  appointed  officer  should 
have  the  right  to  institute  proceedings  in  the  proper  court. 
Repeated  offenses  should  render  the  offender  liable  to  fine  or 
imprisonment.  In  such  ways  as  these  papers  would  be  led  to 
utilize  only  trustworthy  reporters  of  international  news ;  for  no 
paper  would  be  willing  repeatedly  to  proclaim  its  own  villainy 
or  stupidity,  or  both.  Is  it  not  clear  that  the  continuous 
malicious  poisoning  of  the  public  mind  in  regard  to  other  lands 
is  one  of  the  great  crimes  of  modern  times  for  the  suppression 
of  which  a  wise  national  policy  would  provide  ? 

In  closing,  I  venture  one  general  suggestion.  In  view  of  the 
fact  that  the  press  is  the  most  important  educational  institution 
of  our  country,  and  in  view  of  the  importance  of  establishing 
and  maintaining  its  high  quality,  might  not  each  local  com- 
munity bring  pressure  to  bear  on  the  responsible  management 
of  each  paper  to  establish  certain  moral  and  intellectual 
standards  of  qualification  for  all  who  make  writing  for  the 
newspapers  their  regular  means  of  livelihood  ?  Why  should 
our  people  be  exposed  to  every  uneducated  and  irresponsible 
youth  who  thinks  to  climb  to  fame  by  his  imaginative  reports 
of  private  or  public  affairs  ?  If  public  school  teachers  must 
qualify  before  they  may  instruct  a  few  score  children,  why 
should  not  all  be  required  to  do  the  same  whose  writings 
instruct  or  poison  the  minds  of  thousands?  Might  not  the 
respectable  papers  of  each  locality  establish  such  standards 
without  waiting  for  the  pressure  of  public  opinion  ? 

Arguing  for  the  liberty  of  the  press,  many  no  doubt  will 
vehemently  oppose  all  systematic  effort  to  make  it  honest. 
They  should,  however,  not  be  heeded.  In  war  time  no  govern- 
ment hesitates  to  censor  the  press  in  drastic  fashion.  Why 
should  not  the  people  insist  on  an  honest  press  in  peace  times 
for  the  maintenance  of  peace  ? 

Those  who  stand  for  the  moral  life  of  the  nation  and  for 
right  international  relations — ^the  churches — are  they  not  the 


i62  The  Fight  for  Peace 

ones  to  grapple  with  this  hydra-headed  monster  of  a  sensational, 
money-making  press?  The  Golden  Rule  must  be  made 
supreme  in  speech  as  well  as  in  conduct,  in  the  activities  of  the 
press  no  less  than  in  those  of  diplomacy.  If  the  churches  are 
in  earnest  in  their  program  for  world-peace,  they  should  pro- 
vide for  honest  and  adequate  international  news.  Not  until 
then  is  there  prospect  for  the  permanent  peace  of  the  world. 


xrv 

THE  CHURCHES  AND  THE  NATIONAL  POLICY  OF 
INTERNATIONAL  GOOD-WILL 

THE  various  benevolent  enterprises  of  an  international 
character  suggested  in  the  preceding  pages  provide 
for  the  establishment  by  the  Federal  Government  of 
such  vast  enterprises  and  the  expenditure  of  such 
large  sums  that  the  creation  of  a  special  Bureau  would  seem  to 
be  important.  Such  a  Bureau,  moreover,  constituting  a  regular 
branch  of  our  Federal  Government,  would  give  dignity  as  well 
as  assured  continuity  to  our  new  national  policy  of  international 
good-will.  The  Bureau  should  of  course  be  a  branch  of  the 
Department  of  State. 

The  work  of  the  Bureau  of  International  Good- Will  should 
always  be  guided  by  a  spirit  of  sympathetic  cooperation  with 
the  local  government  of  the  country  concerned  in  any  particular 
enterprise. 

In  addition  to  the  forms  of  activity  already  suggested,  back- 
ward nations  might  be  aided  in  opening  new  industries  and  in 
developing  natural  sources  of  wealth.  Whatever  would  give 
real  and  lasting  help  to  other  peoples  might  be  done.  Especially 
should  aid  be  rendered  whenever  there  is  sudden  emergency 
and  pressing  need.  In  times  of  flood,  earthquake,  drought  or 
fire,  prompt  aid  could  be  given — feeding  the  hungry  j  rebuild- 
ing dikes ;  dredging  rivers ;  reestablishing  institutions.  In 
times  of  plague  or  epidemic,  physicians  and  nurses  could  be 
supplied.  In  a  word,  the  work  of  the  Red  Cross  Society  in 
foreign  lands  would  be  taken  up  as  a  regular  part  of  the  nation's 
duty,  and  vastly  extended.  The  department  splendidly  financed 
should  be  splendidly  managed  by  the  best  brains  the  nation 
could  command. 

163 


1 64  The  Fight  for  Peace 

Among  important  methods  for  promoting  right  relations  with 
neighboring  countries  is  that  of  making  systematic  efforts  to 
know  them  thoroughly.  While  our  knowledge  of  England  is 
easy  and  natural  because  of  our  common  language,  and  while 
our  acquaintance  with  Germany  and  France  is  fairly  full,  there 
being  thousands  of  Americans  who  have  studied  in  those  lands, 
speak  their  languages  and  read  their  papers,  so  that  the  danger 
of  complete  misunderstanding  of  those  countries  is  hardly  pos- 
sible, our  acquaintance  with  Mexico  and  South  American 
countries  is  small  and  that  with  Japan  and  China  is  still  smaller. 
Were  it  fiot  for  the  missionaries  residing  in  these  latter  countries 
our  knowledge  of  the  character  and  spirit  of  these  great  peoples 
would  be  slight  indeed. 

Is  it  not  time  that  the  American  nation  should  adopt  a  broad- 
minded  policy  in  this  matter  ?  Should  not  Congress  set  aside, 
say  half  a  million  dollars  annually  for  scholarships  for  foreign 
study  ?  This  would  provide  for  five  hundred  American  stu- 
dents. Of  this  number  three  hundred  might  be  sent  to  Mexico 
and  to  South  American  countries  for  two  years  of  residence  and 
study.  The  remaining  two  hundred  should  be  sent  to  the 
Orient,  to  China  (including  Manchuria,  Mongolia  and  Tibet), 
to  Japan  and  to  Siam.  The  difficulty  of  learning  those  lan- 
guages and  becoming  acquainted  with  those  peoples  is  such  that 
these  students  should  devote  not  less  than  three  years  to  the 
study  of  their  languages,  history  and  customs.  Opportunity 
for  prolonged  postgraduate  study  should  also  be  provided. 

The  advantages  of  such  a  policy  are  many  and  great.  Even 
from  a  commercial  standpoint  there  could  be  no  better  invest- 
ment. In  the  course  of  a  decade  our  country  would  be  supplied 
with  experts  in  all  matters  pertaining  to  these  peoples  with  whom 
our  relations  are  to  be  increasingly  close,  and  either  mutually 
profitable  or  mutually  dangerous.  These  scholarship  students 
would  develop  personal  friends  in  each  land.  They  would  be 
fitted  for  posts  of  international  responsibility  as  ambassadors 
and  consuls.  In  this  country  they  would  be  in  demand  as 
professors  in  colleges  and  universities   and  could   serve   as 


National  Policy  of  International  Good- Will     165 

experts  for  our  press  on  South  American  and  Asiatic  affairs. 
In  these  ways,  moreover,  the  amazing  provincialism  of  the 
average  American  would  be  gradually  overcome  and  a  world- 
viewpoint  be  secured  for  our  nation.  Thirty  years  of  such  a 
policy  would  amount  to  the  cost  of  one  equipped  battle-ship. 
But  how  much  more  it  would  accomplish  for  the  peace  and 
prosperity  of  America  !  As  an  insurance  policy,  would  it  not 
pay  splendidly  ? 

The  question  will  inevitably  arise  as  to  how  Congress  can 
finance  so  many  enterprises  as  have  been  suggested.  Are  not 
the  benevolent  projects  upon  which  we  might  enter  innumer- 
able ?  What  limitation  shall  we  place  on  our  benevolent  ex- 
penditures ?     What  standard  shall  we  set  for  ourselves  ? 

In  seeking  for  some  reasonable  answer  to  this  question  it  has 
occurred  to  the  writer  that  the  sum  expended  upon  our  navy 
might  serve  as  a  suggestion  as  to  the  amount  we  should  be 
ready  to  expend  on  our  enterprises  promoting  international 
good-will.  So  long  as  our  army  remains  a  mere  Federal  police 
force,  the  navy  alone,  especially  if  it  is  to  be  considerably  en- 
larged, will  constitute  the  object  of  suspicion  to  our  neighbors. 
Should  we  not  expend  on  constructive  deeds  of  international 
friendship  as  much  as  we  expend  on  preparation  for  inter- 
national belligerency?  This  proposal  does  not  mean  that  a 
sum  equal  to  the  naval  appropriation  should  go  automatically 
and  necessarily  to  the  Bureau  of  International  Good-Will,  but 
only  that  this  sum  might  serve  as  a  superior  limit  up  to  which 
Congress  might  be  expected  to  vote  appropriations,  and  within 
which  the  Bureau  might  be  expected  to  bring  its  work.  The 
Bureau  should  of  course  present  year  by  year  its  budget  and  the 
work  of  the  Bureau  should  be  closely  scrutinized  by  appropriate 
committees  of  the  Senate  and  the  House.  The  general  policy 
of  the  Bureau  should  of  course  be  determined  by  suitable 
representatives  of  the  administration  and  also  of  Congress. 

Would  not  a  powerful  appeal  be  made  in  this  way  to  the 
imagination  of  every  nation  when  they  know  that  we  devote  to 
purposes  of  international  good-will  large  sums  commensurate 


i66  The  Fight  for  Peace 

with  our  other  expenses  ?  If  the  navy  may  be  properly  re- 
garded as  insurance,  should  not  the  work  of  this  Bureau  be 
similarly  regarded  ? 

There  is,  however,  one  more  international  benevolent  enter- 
prise upon  which  we  should  enter  at  an  early  date.  Our  culti- 
vation of  international  good-will  should  not  be  confined  to 
Mexico,  South  America  and  Asia.  Europe  is  suffering  a 
tragedy  of  colossal  proportions.  While  she  is  losing  frightfully 
in  every  way,  our  merchants  and  our  Congress  are  joyfully 
planning  for  the  capture,  by  newly  made  laws  and  special 
activity  in  foreign  lands,  of  as  large  a  portion  as  possible  of 
Europe's  international  trade. 

What  now  is  likely  to  be  the  attitude  toward  us,  after  the 
war,  of  the  merchants  and  manufacturers  and  laborers  of 
Europe  affected  by  our  successes  ?  Our  Red  Cross  Society  may 
indeed  send  our  nurses  and  doctors  and  a  few  score  thousand, 
or  even  a  few  hundred  thousand  dollars  for  relief  work.  The 
Rockefeller  Foundation  may  finance  a  splendid  relief  under- 
taking. But  what  is  all  that  to  the  millions  of  trade  we  shall 
capture?  The  situation  is,  indeed,  perplexing.  It  is  hardly 
possible  to  prevent  enterprising  Americans  from  developing 
whatever  oversea  trade  they  can.  But  the  indignation  and  re- 
sentment that  will  accrue  to  us  from  every  European  land  and 
city,  town  and  village,  injured  by  our  successes  are  matters  for 
serious  thought. 

The  discussion  of  the  ethics  of  international  trade  competi- 
tion is  no  part  of  our  plan.  But  it  is  highly  important  that  we 
should  consider  how  as  a  nation  we  may  offset,  so  far  as  pos- 
sible, the  international  alienation  which  at  this  special  juncture 
threatens  us  from  these  sources. 

The  work  undertaken  in  Belgium  by  the  American  Red 
Cross  Society  and  the  Rockefeller  Foundation  suggest  what 
should  be  done  on  a  large  and  generous  scale,  commensurate 
with  the  resources  and  position  of  the  United  States. 

As  soon  as  the  war  is  over  and  those  countries  turn  once 
more  to  restore  their  shattered  cities,  reestablish  their  factories 


National  Policy  of  International  Good- Will    167 

and  build  up  the  new  civilization,  why  should  not  the  United 
States  give  them  substantial  aid  ;  help  them  set  the  liberated 
soldiers  to  work  at  once  on  remunerative  wages  in  rebuilding 
destroyed  cities,  railroads  and  bridges  ?  Might  not  Congress 
vote  a  sum  adequate  for  this  end  ?  Might  we  not  give  five  or 
even  ten  dollars  per  individual  in  this  land  that  has  enjoyed 
peace  and  increasing  prosperity  throughout  the  war  ?  Let 
Congress  authorize  at  once  the  establishment  of  the  Federal 
Bureau  of  International  Good- Will  and  provide  it  with  funds 
adequate  for  this  vast  and  vastly  important  undertaking. 

Just  how  the  money  should  be  used  need  not  here  be  par- 
ticularly discussed.  Of  course  it  should  not  be  squandered  ; 
some  of  it  might  be  loaned  ;  some  of  it  should  be  given  out- 
right. Nothing  of  course  should  be  done  without  the  full  and 
cordial  approval  and  cooperation  of  local  authorities.  Admin- 
istrative expenses  would  certainly  be  considerable.  But  these 
are  matters  of  detail  and  do  not  affect  the  fundamental  prin- 
ciple. What  is  needed  is  a  generous  gift  from  favored  America 
as  a  nation  to  the  ruined  millions  of  France  and  Belgium,  Ger- 
many and  England,  Russia  and  Austria,  Servia  and  Turkey. 

We  can  easily  afford  it.  A  slight  tax  would  provide  the 
entire  amount  in  five  years.  The  "  pork  barrel  "  might  well  be 
held  up  for  a  decade.  We  might  suspend  all  building  of  new 
battle-ships  for  a  few  years. 

Concerning  the  effect  on  Europe  of  such  a  program  hardly  a 
line  need  be  written.  Her  good-will  would  be  assured.  Re- 
turning prosperity  to  Europe  would  promote  our  own.  Every 
consideration  of  humanity  and  good  neighborhood  as  well  as  of 
right  business  relations  calls  for  some  such  act  on  our  part. 


XV 

THE  CHURCHES,  INTERNATIONAL  RELATIONS, 
AND  FOREIGN  MISSIONS 

CHRISTIANITY  was  first  carried  to  Japan  by  Roman 
Catholic  missionaries  in  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth 
century.     From   that   day  to   this  the  fortunes  of 
Christianity  in  that  land  have,  waxed  and  waned 
with  the  friendliness  of  Japanese  to  the  West  and  with  her  con- 
fidence in  its  justice  and  good-will. 

From  1553  till  the  end  of  the  century  Christianity  made 
great  headway,  hundreds  of  thousands  being  baptized  and  still 
other  hundreds  of  thousands  coming  under  its  influence.  Then 
suspicion  arose  as  to  the  designs  of  Christian  nations.  Op- 
position and  finally  persecution  arose  with  complete  opposition 
by  the  Government.  With  great  effort  and  loss  of  life  Chris- 
tianity was  practically  exterminated,  and  for  two  hundred  and 
fifty  years  Japan  was  a  closed  nation  and  Christianity  a  con- 
demned religion. 

In  1853  Japan's  fast-closed  doors  were  pried  open  by  our 
Commodore  Perry.  For  fifteen  years  there  was  wide-spread  tur- 
moil in  Japan  and  finally  revolution  over  the  question  how  to 
oppose  the  white  man  and  his  dread  religion.  When  Japan 
found  she  could  neither  keep  him  out  nor  ignore  him,  she 
adopted  the  policy  of  admitting  him  and  learning  from  him  the 
secrets  of  his  power.  That  decision  marked  the  turning  point 
in  the  relations  of  East  and  West.  A  new  era  in  human  his- 
tory began  that  year  (1868),  though  only  now  after  a  half  cen- 
tury has  it  become  plain  how  significant  was  that  decision. 

It  was  reached,  however,  because  already  for  a  decade  a  few 
able  missionaries  had  lived  in  Japan  and  a  few  of  the  young 

168 


International  Relations  and  Foreign  Missions    169 

Japanese  leaders  had  come  under  their  influence  and  the  old 
suspicions  and  fears  of  the  West  had  been  somewhat  dispelled. 

Ten  years  of  increasing  foreign  intercourse  (1870-1 880)  with 
increasing  adoption  of  foreign  ways,  permission  of  foreign 
travel,  and  wide  missionary  work  throughout  Japan  largely  dis- 
pelled the  popular  fear  of  the  white  man.  He  was  now  (1880) 
looked  upon  almost  as  divine ;  his  civilization  was  the  ideal 
and  even  the  long  hated  Christianity  was  recognized  as  one  of 
the  good  and  great  religions.  Until  the  end  of  that  decade 
things  foreign  were  in  high  favor.  Especially  was  America 
looked  upon  as  Japan's  friend ;  it  was  the  Mecca  of  students. 
American  missionaries  were  received  with  favor  and  granted 
many  privileges.  "  So  rapidly  did  the  Christian  work  in  Japan 
grow  during  that  decade  (1880-1890)  that  all  anticipated  the 
practical  completion  of  missionary  work  in  Japan  by  the  close 
of  that  century. 

But  the  political  sky  suddenly  clouded  over.  Japan  found 
the  nations  of  the  West  unwilling  to  revise  their  treaties  and  ac- 
cord her  what  she  regarded  as  mere  justice.  Made  in  the 
early  days  the  treaties  were  not  acceptable  to  her  after  full 
twenty  years  of  progress.  Europe  was  beginning  to  suspect 
this  growing,  aspiring,  Asiatic  people.  Europe  desired  to 
keep  Japan  under  close  tutelage  and  restraint.  This  the  nation 
resented.  It  led  to  a  strong  anti-foreign  movement.  "Japan 
for  the  Japanese,"  "Preserve  the  ancient  customs,"  and 
other  similar  phrases  became  common,  expressing  the  new  con- 
servative spirit. 

The  reactionary  movement  was  especially  powerful  in  check- 
ing the  growth  of  Christianity.  For  ten  years  (1890-1900)  the 
churches  were  barely  able  to  hold  their  own  numerically.  At 
the  close  of  the  century  Japan,  instead  of  being  Christian  as 
had  been  confidently  expected  in  the  eighties,  was  practically 
agnostic,  her  acquaintance  with  Christian  lands  having  dis- 
closed to  her  little  that  commended  Christianity.  During  the 
nineties,  not  only  did  international  political  consideration  check 
the  growth  of  Christianity  but  so  also  did  the  invasion  of  Japan 


ijo  The  Fight  for  Peace 

by  Occidental  science,  theories  of  materialistic  evolution  and 
crude  higher  criticism  ;  but  still  more  disastrous  to  Japan  was 
the  rampant  heathenism  of  Christendom. 

With  the  revision  of  the  treaties  in  1899  better  international 
relations  were  established  and  by  that  time  the  distinction  be- 
tween Christianity  and  civilization  had  begun  to  be  widely 
known.  Japan  won  many  plaudits  by  her  war  with  Russia  and 
acknowledgment  by  the  nations  of  the  West  of  her  place 
among  the  "powers."  This  made  her  more  friendly  again 
toward  the  West  and  toward  Christianity.  Beginning  with  the 
present  century  a  new  wave  of  interest  in  Christianity  has  been 
gradually  arising.  During  the  last  five  years  a  deepening 
moral  consciousness  has  begun  to  appear.  Many  Japanese  be- 
gin to  say  that  the  moral  collapse  due  to  wide-spread  material- 
ism can  be  checked  only  by  Christianity.  For  ten  years  the 
churches  have  been  growing  again  with  increasing  speed. 
They  are  full  of  hope.  They  have  begun  to  call  for  large  rein- 
forcements and  are  now  engaged  in  a  three-year  nation-wide, 
evangelistic  campaign. 

Just  at  this  juncture,  however,  when  the  flood -tide  of  the 
new  movement  toward  Christianity  seemed  to  be  upon  us,  has 
come  this  fresh  obstacle  to  Christian  work.  The  anti- Japanese 
agitation  and  legislation  in  California  has  evoked  wide-spread 
indignation  in  Japan.  The  race-prejudice  of  a  nation  that  was 
thought  to  be  Christian,  and  the  refusal  of  the  nation  that  per- 
suaded Japan  to  abandon  seclusion,  and  to  make  treaties  of 
friendship,  to  keep  its  own  treaty  has  come  as  a  tremendous 
shock. 

The  enactment  by  the  California  State  Legislature  of  the 
Alien  Land  Law  (May,  1913)  and  the  anti- Japanese  agitation 
connected  therewith  caused  deep  resentment  in  Japan.  Japa- 
nese daily  papers  were  not  slow  to  see  the  irony  of  the  situation. 

"  What  are  the  Missionaries  doing  about  it  ?  "  "  Why  do 
Americans  send  Missionaries  to  Japan?"  "Why  don't  the 
Missionaries  return  to  California  and  teach  them  to  be  Chris- 
tian ?  "  were  titles  of  their  editorials  that  caught  my  eye.     In  a 


International  Relations  and  Foreign  Missions    171 

word  the  character  and  spirit  of  California's  anti-alien  legisla- 
tion was  so  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  Christianity  and  the  teach- 
ings of  the  missionaries,  that  Japanese  were  offended.  Publica- 
tion (July,  1914)  of  the  official  correspondence  between  the 
United  States  and  Japan  relative  to  California's  Alien  Land 
Law  has  led  to  the  conviction  on  the  part  of  many  educated 
Japanese  that  the  United  States  is  either  unable  or  unwilling  to 
fulfill  its  treaty  obligations,  and  this  is  felt  to  be  contrary  to 
the  religion  of  the  land  as  a  whole  and  also  of  the  men  who 
have  been  entrusted  by  the  people  with  its  highest  inter- 
national administrative  duties.  This  failure  to  keep  our  treaty 
pledges  and  to  follow  the  Christian  ideals  has  become  a  serious 
obstacle  to  the  success  of  the  missionary  enterprise  in  Japan. 

The  churches  of  America  should  seriously  consider  the 
paradox  of  their  apparent  interest  in  foreign  missions  (for  they 
give  some  $17,000,000  annually  for  this  great  enterprise),  and 
their  apparent  indifference  to  these  obstacles  that  are  due  to 
governmental  disregard  of  treaties  with  Asiatic  peoples.  For 
the  success  of  their  missions  is  intimately  dependent  on  the 
maintenance  of  the  Golden  Rule  in  diplomacy  and  of  Christian 
treatment  of  Asiatics  in  America. 

The  facts  presented  in  earlier  chapters  dealing  with  the  rela- 
tions of  America  with  China  and  Japan  indicate  sufficiently 
what  is  meant  and  need  not  be  repeated. 

However  many  missionaries  the  churches  may  send  to  the 
Orient,  however  eloquently  they  may  preach  the  Golden  Rule, 
however  generously  Christians  may  endow  schools  and  colleges 
and  hospitals  in  those  lands,  however  hospitable  American  in- 
stitutions and  Christian  homes  may  be  to  Japanese  and 
Chinese  students  in  America,  the  final  effect  in  commending 
the  Christian  ideal  and  life  to  Asiatics  will  be  slight,  if  at  the 
same  time  our  treaty  pledges  are  deliberately  ignored  and  tens 
of  thousands  of  Asiatics  lawfully  in  America  are  as  a  rule  in- 
sulted, shunned,  scorned  and  in  general  refused  that  status 
and  opportunity  which  we  demand  for  ourselves  in  their  lands 
and  which  we  accord  to  representatives  of  other  peoples  in  our 


172  The  Fight  for  Peace 

land.  Particularly  inefiFective  will  mission  work  become  if  it  b 
learned  that  the  churches  that  send  missionaries  are  quite  in- 
different to  the  maintenance  of  just  relations  with,  and  right- 
eous treatment  of,  Asiatics  in  the  United  States. 

Two  significant  movements  characterize  American  attitude 
toward  Asia — Foreign  Missions  expressing  universal  good-will 
and  Asiatic  exclusion  due  to  fear  of  the  politico-economic 
«*  yellow  peril."  Hitherto  the  churches  have  been  content  to 
push  the  former  and  ignore  the  latter.  But  this  is  no  longer 
possible.  The  anti- Asiatic  attitude  will  effectually  block  the 
Christian  movement  in  Asia,  unless  the  missionary  movement 
overcomes  the  anti- Asiatic  movement  in  America.  The  success 
of  the  missionary  work  in  Asiatic  lands  has  come  to  a  turning 
point.  Tens  of  millions  of  Chinese  and  Japanese  have  begun 
to  listen  to  the  teachings  of  Christianity.  They  are  asking 
earnest  questions  as  to  its  meaning  and  value.  What  are  its 
practical  results,  to  the  individual,  to  the  family,  to  the  com- 
munity, to  the  nation  ?  For  an  answer  they  are  looking 
earnestly  at  us,  in  our  own  lands,  and  in  our  treatment  of 
aliens. 

Just  at  this  juncture,  however,  the  obnoxious  pressure  of  the 
nations  of  the  West  is  being  forced  upon  their  attention.  The 
nations  of  the  West  seek  full  rights  and  privileges  in  the  Orient 
but  refuse  to  grant  them  to  Asiatics  in  the  Occident.  Is  this 
the  Christian  brotherhood  and  international  good-will  taught 
by  the  missionaries  ?  Instead  of  coming  to  the  Orient  to  teach 
the  Christian  religion,  should  not  the  missionaries  first  of  all 
make  their  own  nation  Christian  ? 

If  **  Christian  "  nations  do  not  practice  Christian  principles 
does  that  not  prove  these  principles  impracticable  ?  And  if 
impracticable,  surely  the  nations  of  the  Orient  should  not  think 
of  adopting  them.  Such  is  the  reasoning  of  many  an  Oriental 
to-day. 

Moreover,  quite  apart  from  the  processes  of  reasoning,  an 
unchristian  treatment  of  Japanese  and  Chinese  in  America  in- 
evitably arouses  indignation  in  Japan  and  in  China.     And  this 


International  Relations  and  Foreign  Missions    173 

anti-American  feeling  constitutes  an  almost  insuperable  barrier 
to  the  preaching  and  teaching  of  the  foreign  missionary.  An 
attitude  of  mutual  good-will  must  be  established  between  the 
missionary  and  his  hearer  before  the  latter  can  in  the  least 
understand  the  missionary  or  heed  his  message. 

If  the  Asiatic  hearer  is  filled  with  indignation  toward  America, 
he  inevitably  looks  upon  the  missionary  not  as  a  teacher  of 
Christianity,  but  as  a  representative  American  who  refuses 
justice  and  courtesy.  The  contradiction  of  his  words  and  the 
deeds  of  his  countrymen  prevent  the  message  from  making  an 
impression.  The  seed,  however  good,  has  fallen  on  stony 
ground.  And  the  ground  has  been  made  stony  by  the  anti- 
Asiatic  legislation  and  treatment  in  America.  This  is  one  of 
the  consequences  of  the  collapse  of  space  and  the  increasingly 
close  contact  of  races. 

The  problem,  however,  of  Christianizing  the  Orient  has  not 
even  yet  been  adequately  stated.  Even  though  treaties  should 
be  observed  and  the  treatment  of  Asiatics  in  our  land  be  such 
as  is  given  to  citizens  from  other  lands,  there  would  still  remain 
another  factor  of  great  importance.  I  refer  to  the  relative 
failure  of  Christianity  to  make  Christendom  Christian  in  its 
social,  industrial  and  political  life.  The  wickedness  that  flaunts 
itself  in  public  places,  the  crime,  lust,  graft,  and  selfishness  that 
come  to  light  in  so  many  forms  in  every  large  community  in 
Christendom  constitute  an  obstacle  to  the  success  of  missions 
of  no  mean  power.  The  success  of  foreign  missions  depends 
very  closely  on  the  success  of  Christianity  in  the  towns  and 
cities  of  Christendom.  The  wickedness  of  Christendom  dis- 
credits Christianity  everywhere.  Foreign  and  home  missions 
are  inseparable. 


XVI 
THE  CHURCHES  AND  DISARMAMENT 

WITH  regard  to  disarmament,  peace  advocates  may 
be  divided  into  three  groups,  Tolstoian,  juridical 
and  military. 
Disciples  of  Tolstoi  appeal  to  Jesus.  They  hold 
that  individuals  and  nations  should  follow  literally  His  teaching 
not  to  resist  evil.  Let  aggressors  have  their  way.  Such  pac- 
ifists accordingly  insist  that  the  duty  of  a  nation  to  disarm  is 
absolute  and  depends  in  no  way  on  what  its  neighbors  do  or  fail 
to  do.  They  urge,  moreover,  that  this  is  the  best  policy ;  for 
if  a  nation  should  actually  disarm,  the  absolute  sincerity  of  its 
purpose  to  follow  reason  and  good  neighborliness  would  be  so 
clear  as  to  secure  its  recognition  from  every  side  and  save  it 
from  hitherto  aggressive  or  revengeful  neighbors.  The  com- 
plete absence  of  aggressive  designs  also  would  evoke  a  like 
spirit  among  neighbors.  Nations  that  disarm,  therefore,  would 
in  fact  be  perfectly  safe.  They  would,  moreover,  be  so  evi- 
dently happy  and  prosperous  because  of  absence  of  all  useless 
military  expenses  that  disarmament  would  spread  from  people 
to  people  until  it  became  universal. 

Some  who  urge  Tolstoian  disarmament  admit  that  the  nation 
which  makes  the  first  venture  of  faith  might  quite  likely  suffer 
at  the  hands  of  ruthless  and  ambitious  neighbors.  They  urge, 
however,  that  a  truly  Christian  people  should,  nevertheless, 
disarm  j  it  should  be  willing  to  suffer  evil  without  resistance. 
Only  by  willingness  to  suffer  for  Christian  principles  can  either 
the  reality  of  their  convictions  or  the  validity  of  their  principles 
be  proved.  In  spite,  however,  of  suffering  from  aggressive 
foes,  the  nation  that  suffers  would  gain  much.  The  loss  in- 
flicted by  invasion  would  be  nothing  compared  with  that  which 

174 


The  Churches  and  Disarmament  175 

would  have  been  incurred  by  resistance.  No  lives  would  be 
lost,  nor  wealth  wasted.  Even  from  the  economic  standpoint, 
therefore,  complete  disarmament  and  absolute  non-resistance  is 
the  better  policy.  Luxemburg  made  no  resistance  and  suffered 
no  harm,  while  Belgium  resisted  and  has  in  consequence  been 
wiped  out. 

The  intrinsic  superiority  of  the  method  taught  by  Jesus, 
moreover,  will  never  be  manifested,  they  hold,  until  some 
nation  makes  the  self-sacrificing  venture  and  undergoes  the 
experience.  Absolute  non-resistance  would  of  itself  alone  pro- 
duce profound  changes  in  the  feeling  and  conduct  of  invaders. 
Desires  for  vengeance  and  punishment,  so  common  in  victors 
who  have  suffered  even  in  victory,  would  be  absent.  The 
victors  would  be  overwhelmed  with  amazement  at  the  character 
of  the  conquered,  and  would  in  fact  be  themselves  conquered. 

Thoroughgoing  Tolstoian  pacifists,  however,  are  exceedingly 
few  in  America  or  anywhere. 

Juridical  and  military  pacifists,  as  has  been  suggested  in  a 
previous  chapter,  are  much  more  nearly  agreed  than  is  usually 
thought.  The  differences  between  them  are  chiefly  matters  of 
emphasis,  expression  and  spirit.  They  frequently  misunder- 
stand and  consequently  misrepresent  each  other.  Each  is  apt 
to  set  up  a  straw  man  to  represent  the  other  and  then  of  course 
it  is  easy  to  knock  him  down.  Colonel  Roosevelt  affords  a 
conspicuous  recent  example  of  this  method  in  his  widely  syndi- 
cated articles  on  **  What  America  Should  Learn  from  the  War." 

His  belief  in  the  "Peace  of  Righteousness"  is,  in  fact,  no 
stronger  than  that  of  juridical  pacifists  whom  he  ridicules.  The 
difference  between  them  amounts  to  this,  that  whereas  they 
insist  that  righteousness  and  justice  between  the  nations  can  be 
secured  only  by  abolishing  ex  parte  judgments  and  therefore 
by  establishing,  through  mutual  conference  and  on  the  basis 
of  reason,  the  principles  of  international  ethics  formulated  into 
international  laws  with  suitable  tribunals  and  procedure  for  the 
determination  of  particular  cases  and  securing  of  judgments, 
military  pacifists  insist  that  so-called  international  law  and 


176  The  Fight  for  Peace 

judgments  based  thereon  by  tribunals  will  have  only  so  much 
weight  as  there  is  organized  military  might  for  their  enforce- 
ment. The  difference,  thus,  is  at  bottom  a  difference  of  judg- 
ment in  regard  to  the  readiness  of  public  opinion  in  the  various 
nations  to  submit  what  are  regarded  as  important  national  inter- 
ests to  the  judgment  of  an  impartial  international  tribunal. 
Juridical  pacifists  expect  much,  military  pacifists  expect  little. 
Both  beyond  question  desire  peace  based  on  righteousness. 
One  side,  however,  stresses  the  method  of  reaching  those 
judgments,  distrusting  ex  parte  judgments,  and  putting  little 
emphasis  on  the  need  of  force  for  the  enforcement  of  arbitral 
judgments ;  the  other  side  concerns  itself  little  with  the  meth- 
ods of  reaching  just  judgments,  but  stresses  the  need  of  military 
might  for  their  enforcement.  Especially  do  military  pacifists 
emphasize  force  as  essential  to  national  safety,  for  they  are 
deeply  impressed  with  the  aggressive  and  predatory  character 
of  the  nations. 

American  so-called  militarists  are  pacifists  no  less  truly  than 
the  so-called  peace  party,  while  the  so-called  peace  party  by  no 
means  urges  peace-at-any-price,  entirely  regardless  of  justice 
or  righteousness.  The  differences  then  between  them  are 
merely  matters  of  degree  and  emphasis.  The  one  would  be 
always  ready  to  enforce  right  by  might ;  they  would  use  force 
easily  and  often ;  the  other  deprecates  the  assumption  that  right 
will  not  be  respected  as  right,  and  would  be  slow  to  resort  to 
might  for  the  enforcement  of  right.  They  insist,  moreover, 
that  military  might  seldom  if  ever  secures  right.  In  establish- 
ing right  it  does  great  wrong.  These  differences  between  the 
two  pacifists  determine  their  respective  attitudes  to  the  question 
of  armaments  and  disarmament. 

Both  schools  reject  Tolstoian  views  and  arguments,  juridical 
pacifists  mildly,  military  pacifists  energetically.  Military  paci- 
fists are  apt  to  regard  as  Tolstoian  all  pacifists  who  do  not  sub- 
scribe to  their  particular  creed.  That  is  a  serious  error.  For 
it  creates  a  needless  division  in  the  ranks  of  pacifists,  raises 
false  issues,  and  delays  the  progress  of  the  Peace  Movement. 


The  Churches  and  Disarmament  177 

Because,  moreover,  of  the  spirit  and  arguments  of  the  niili- 
tary  pacifists,  they  are  often  regarded  by  others  as  militarists 
pure  and  simple,  caring  nothing  for  righteousness. 

Consider,  for  instance,  the  following  instance  of  misrepresen- 
tation, issued  as  a  card  by  the  United  States  Navy  League. 

Another   Easy  Solution  for  Securing   Peace  on  Earth 

(Recommended  by  the  Navy  League  of  the  United  States 
to  Well-Endowed  Pacificists  and  laborers  in  the  Peace 
Vineyard,  obsessed  with  the  theory  that  disarmament  will 
bring  world  peace;  a  theory  referred  to  by  Woodrow 
Wilson,  Vol.  3,  "The  History  of  the  American  People," 
when  he  describes  the  War  of  1 8 1 2  as  "A  War  of  Arms 
Brought  on  by  a  Program  of  Peace.") 

Abolish  :  Kings,  Oligarchies,  Race  Antipathies,  Unfair 
Competition,  Land  Grabbing,  Injustice  and  Sin. 
(Professor  Giddings  would  also  add  **  Protective 
Tariffs.") 

Establish  :  The  Rule  of  the  People,  Racial  Solidarity,  a 
Satisfactory  World  Tribunal,  Justice,  and  a  Changed 
Human  Nature. 

Ad  Interim  :  Maintain  a  Strong  Navy 

Does  the  Navy  League  regard  this  as  a  fair  representation  of 
the  position  of  the  •'  Well-Endowed  Pacificists  and  Laborers  in' 
the  Peace  Vineyard  "  ?  Does  not  the  argument  here  offered 
imply  that  there  is  no  possible  use  in  developing  international 
law  with  its  tribunals  and  that  the  only  possible  method  till 
"human  nature"  is  changed  is  a  **  Strong  Navy"  ?  Surely 
the  Navy  League  misrepresents  itself  in  this  matter  as  well  as 
those  whom  it  ridicules. 

Military  pacifists  emphatically  reject  all  Tolstoian  ideas. 
They  regard  such  ideals  and  proposals  as  contemptible.  They 
emphasize  rights  and  courage.  The  loss  of  independence 
through  unresisting  obedience  to  an  aggressive,  arrogant  foe 
they  look  upon  with  utmost  scorn.  **  Give  me  liberty  or  give 
me  death  "  is  a  vital  principle  with  them.  They  laugh  at  the 
idea  that  disarmament  would  be  contagious;  that  ambitious 


178  The  Fight  for  Peace 

peoples  would  be  deterred  from  aggression  by  the  weakness  of 
those  whose  territory  is  desired ;  that  the  amiability  of  the  con- 
quered would  save  them  from  ill-treatment  or  slavery  at  the 
hands  of  the  victors,  or  that  prosperity  would  in  any  large 
amount  come  to  the  conquered. 

Military  pacifists,  no  less  than  aggressive  militarists,  believe 
in  force.  Only  a  people  with  power  which  they  are  prepared 
to  use  for  defense  of  right  and  honor  and  independence  is  to  be 
respected.  However  big  a  country  may  be,  it  is  contemptible 
if  it  lacks  organized  power  or  the  ability  or  the  willingness  to 
use  it.  The  kind  of  disarmament,  accordingly,  which  they 
advocate  is  one  that  can  arise  only  among  states  that  trust  one 
another,  and  agree  to  federate,  maintaining  among  them  a  total 
military  and  naval  force  superior  to  that  of  their  combined  foes. 
The  various  proposals  of  Mr.  Hamilton  Holt,  Mr.  Edwin  Mead 
and  Colonel  Roosevelt  for  a  Peace  League  or  a  Federation  be- 
long to  this  class.  The  first  two  of  these  gentlemen  are  juridi- 
cal pacifists  j  the  third  is  a  military  pacifist,  yet  their  several 
proposals  are  practically  identical. 

Proposals  for  federation,  however,  do  not  as  a  rule  expect  to 
include  the  entire  world  in  a  single  system,  at  least  in  the  near 
future.  At  most  they  hope  that  five  or  six  of  the  strongest 
European  nations  may  combine.  This  would  allow  for  a  cer- 
tain amount  of  disarmament;  for  by  their  combination  they 
would  no  longer  need  to  arm  each  against  the  other. 

Some  urge  that  in  such  a  league  it  should  be  the  duty  of  the 
whole  to  coerce  any  single  unit,  should  it  attack  any  other  unit  of 
the  league.  Only  by  such  an  assurance  would  the  several  units 
feel  safe  even  from  one  another,  for  always  and  everywhere  the 
sense  of  safety  is  the  fundamental  preliminary  to  disarmament. 

What  attitude  now  should  Christians  take  to  these  questions 
of  armaments  and  disarmament  ?  Are  they  under  obligations 
as  Christians  to  accept  the  Tolstoian  interpretation  of  Scripture 
and  apply  it  to  both  individual  and  national  life?  Or  may 
they  take  the  view  of  juridical  or  even  of  military  pacifists  and 
Still  be  Christians?    Important  though  these  questions  may 


The  Churches  and  Disarmament  179 

seem  to  be,  they  are  questions,  nevertheless,  that  should  not  be 
answered  in  the  abstract.  We  must  deal  with  the  situation  as 
it  exists  to-day  in  the  concrete.  In  this  world  as  at  present 
constituted,  the  use  of  force  to  meet  force  is  still  inevitable. 
A  thoroughgoing  application  of  Tolstoi's  theories  to  all  in- 
dividual, political,  social  and  international  relations  of  men 
would  reduce  society  at  once  to  chaos.  We  use  force  to  re- 
strain the  insane,  and  also  violent  criminals.  Is  it  unchristian 
to  use  force  in  restraining  a  nation  that  has  lost  its  mental 
balance  or  that  has  entered  on  a  course  of  criminal  international 
destruction  and  robbery  ?  Tolstoi's  view,  moreover,  is  not  the 
only  one  a  Christian  may  take  and  remain  Christian.  Indeed, 
his  interpretation  of  Scripture  is  not  justified  by  sound  principles 
of  exegesis.  No  passage  may  be  taken  out  of  its  context  and 
be  correctly  understood.  Christ's  law  of  non-resistance 
must  be  interpreted  in  harmony  with  the  rest  of  his  teaching 
and  must  also  recognize  his  pedagogical  methods. 

But  we  must  not  forget  that  the  effort  to  settle  questions  of 
social  or  national  relation  on  the  basis  of  mere  force  is  also 
disastrous — nay,  impossible  in  the  long  run.  Either  extreme 
of  non-resistance  or  of  force  is  equally  impossible  in  the  settle- 
ment of  human  relations  as  the  world  is  constituted.  As  civi- 
lization advances  the  resort  to  force  diminishes  and  the  appeal 
to  reason  and  to  character  increases.  This  is  of  the  very 
essence  of  civilization.  At  any  particular  stage  of  human  de- 
velopment, accordingly,  the  degree  to  which  it  is  right  or  wise 
to  resort  to  force  is  a  matter  of  practical  experience,  concerning 
which  there  is  wide  variety  of  judgment.  Charity  must,  there- 
fore, prevail  between  men  who  hold  diverse  views. 

What,  however,  should  be  the  policy  of  our  American 
churches  in  regard  to  our  own  nation  at  this  particular  juncture  ? 
As  a  matter  of  practical  international  politics  should  Christians 
adopt  a  policy  of  thoroughgoing  disarmament  for  America  and 
seek  hereafter  to  oppose  in  Congress  every  bill  appropriating 
funds  for  the  army  and  navy  ?  Or  should  they  admit  that  the 
world-situation  is  not  such  as  to  justify  so  radical  a  course? 


i8o  The  Fight  for  Peace 

That,  therefore,  as  Christians  we  must  provide  for  armaments 
sufficient  to  protect  our  land,  our  honor  and  our  rights? 

Personally,  I  take  the  latter  view.  In  towns  and  cities  a 
certain  amount  of  local  police  force  is  unquestionably  needed, 
if  ruffians  are  to  be  restrained  and  civilization  maintained.  So, 
too,  among  the  states  of  the  Union  experience  has  shown  that 
a  certain  amount  of  military  force  under  the  control  of  the 
Federal  Government  is  essential.  Is  the  case  otherwise  in  the 
world  at  large?  Until  the  whole  world  is  far  better  organized 
than  it  is  at  present,  provision  being  made  for  the  rights  of 
hitherto  submerged  peoples  and  races  and  for  those  whose 
populations  are  rapidly  increasing,  and  until  the  military 
theory  of  nations  is  widely  abandoned,  and  until  a  world-wide 
peace  federation  is  in  fairly  good  working  order,  any  large 
measure  of  disarmament  is  not  to  be  expected  or  insisted  on. 
The  time  has  not  yet  come  when  peacefully  inclined  nations 
can  dispense  with  naval  and  military  armaments. 

For  us,  therefore,  the  practical  question  is  one  of  degree. 
With  how  small  an  army  and  navy  can  we  be  safe  ?  Our  army 
should  be  regarded  entirely  as  a  national  police  force,  directed 
by  the  Federal  Government.  Yet  should  we  join  a  peace 
federation,  which  is  highly  desirable,  our  army  should  be  ade- 
quate to  do  its  share  in  policing  the  world.  Any  enlargement 
beyond  these  duties  would  cause  distrust  among  our  neighbors. 
Should  suspicions  arise  in  regard  to  the  purpose  of  our  increas- 
ing armaments,  our  neighbors  would  feel  the  need  of  correspond- 
ing military  preparations. 

In  regard  to  the  navy  also  the  general  principle  should  be 
the  same — no  larger  than  is  absolutely  necessary.  But  this  is 
an  extremely  vague  standard  and  must  inevitably  vary  with 
one's  estimate  of  national  dangers.  Those  who  advocate  an 
increase  of  our  present  naval  force  should  be  required  to  show 
good  reason  for  the  same.^ 

*A  telegram  from  Japan  of  October  30,  19 14,  announces  that  Count 
Okuma,  Premier  and  also  President  of  the  Japan  Peace  Society  announced 


The  Churches  and  Disarmament  181 

The  reason  for  an  American  navy,  be  it  ever  remembered, 
does  not  arise  because  of  danger  from  Japan.  For  Japan's 
navy  exists  for  other  reasons  than  to  attack  us,  or  even  to  ward 
off  a  possible  attack  from  us.  Should  increase  of  our  navy  be 
urged  because  of  fear  of  Japan,  Japan  would  naturally  recipro- 
cate the  fear  and  feel  forced  to  increase  hers. 

An  important  step  toward  peace  and  probably  as  important  a 
feature  of  disarmament  as  any  other  would  be  the  mutual  agree- 
ment of  nations  to  abandon  the  international  spy  system.  This 
system  does  incalculable  harm  in  countless  ways.  It  ruins  the 
moral  character  both  of  those  who  are  its  managers  and  also 
of  those  who  are  its  tools.  It  promotes  intrigues,  lies  and  inter- 
national distrust.  Governments  believe  their  own  spies,  rather 
than  the  statements  of  accredited  ambassadors  and  the  prime 
ministers  of  suspected  neighbors.  The  ruthless  destruction  of 
Belgium  was  due  at  bottom  to  the  spy  system,  for  Germany  be- 
lieved what  her  spies  thpught  they  had  discovered  as  to  the 
purposes  of  France  rather  than  the  assurances  of  the  French 
Government.  The  actual  disposition  of  the  French  forces  when 
the  war  opened  shows  that  the  spies  had  been  mistaken. 

Essential  probably  to  the  abandonment  of  the  spy  system 
would  be  another  mutual  agreement  by  members  of  the  Peace 
Federation,  namely,  to  show  freely  to  duly  accredited  officers 
of  other  lands  all  the  fortifications  and  military  plans  that  the 
accredited  officials  may  desire  to  see.  There  should  be  no 
military  secrets.  This  more  than  any  other  one  thing  would 
serve  to  remove  suspicion. 

The  questions,  however,  on  which  Christians  should  focus 
attention  are  not  those  that  deal  with  methods  of  organizing  the 
nations,  of  establishment  of  an  International  Peace  Federation, 
or  even  as  to  the  exact  size  of  the  navy  needed  by  the  United 
States  to  insure  its  own  safety  and  do  its  share  in  providing  a 

as  the  policy  of  the  Government  the  necessity  of  increasing  both  army  and 
navy,  in  view  of  the  "  problem  of  national  defense."  Who  can  doubt 
that  this  determination  in  Japan  is  evoked  in  part  at  least  by  the  anti- 
Japanese  speeches  and  naval  proposals  of  many  representatiye  Americans  7 


1 82  The  Fight  for  Peace 

police  force  for  the  world.  These  are  matters  for  diplomats, 
lawyers  and  governments  to  determine. 

The  peculiar  contribution  for  American  churches  to  make  in 
the  promotion  of  world-peace  is  the  adoption  of  constructive 
methods  for  producing  international  confidence  and  good- 
will. 

Love  even  of  enemies  and  doing  them  good  is  that  which  the 
churches  must  emphasize.  They  should  insist  on  the  applica- 
tion of  the  Golden  Rule  in  our  international  relations.  This, 
after  all,  is  the  only  effective  method  for  establishing  universal 
peace  in  a  constructive  way.  Even  a  World-Peace  Federation 
does  not  make  world-peace  certain,  so  long  as  national  selfish- 
ness and  the  materialistic  philosophy  of  life  prevail  among  indi- 
viduals and  nations.  These  necessarily  produce  jealousies, 
hatreds  and  wrong  ambitions,  and  these  in  turn  necessarily 
resort  on  occasion  to  fraud  and  force — that  is,  to  militarism. 
Peace  Federations  that  rest  their  final  hope  for  peace  on  fear 
of  force  cannot  be  permanent.  Positive  friendly  treatment  of 
neighbors  with  whom  there  is  friction  or  danger  of  it  is  the  only 
true  method  for  constructively  establishing  world-peace,  for  it 
alone  really  overcomes  fear  and  suspicion  and  begets  in  their 
place  true  friendship  and  confidence. 

The  policy  of  Christians  with  regard  to  armaments  and  dis- 
armament, therefore,  should  be  an  understanding  with  juridical 
and  military  pacifists.  Might  not  an  agreement  be  reached 
between  these  groups  of  pacifists,  each  making  room  for  the 
contention  of  the  other?  Let  juridical  and  military  pacifists 
agree  that  Congress  shall  make  large  appropriations  not  only 
for  armaments  but  also  for  the  Christian  method  of  good -will. 
Christian  pacifists  might,  indeed,  content  themselves  with  a 
sum  equal  to  that  expended  on  the  navy.  If  the  Federal 
Bureau  should  expend  annually  as  much  on  its  program  as  is 
expended  on  the  navy,  an  attitude  of  such  friendliness  and  trust 
would  develop  in  a  few  decades  among  our  neighbors  that  inter- 
national fear  would  vanish  and  the  call  for  many  mighty  battle- 
ships would  spontaneously  cease.     Our  legislators  and  people 


The  Churches  and  Disarmament  183 

might  then  be  ready  to  vote  funds  for  international  good-will, 
regardless  of  the  sums  devoted  to  armaments. 

Is  not  the  application  of  the  Golden  Rule  to  international 
relations  the  true  policy,  therefore,  for  the  churches  of  America 
to  adopt  at  the  present  juncture  ?  Let  us  not  demand  disarma- 
ment, nor  refuse  to  vote  the  necessary  sums  for  the  ships 
thought  needed  by  experts ;  but  let  us  insist  that  the  practical 
expression  of  international  good-will  and  the  positive  develop- 
ment of  mutual  confidence  are  as  important  for  national  safety 
as  are  armaments — nay,  of  far  more  importance,  for  they  con- 
stitute a  preventive  for  the  war  spirit,  an  anti-toxin  for  ani- 
mosity. 

Coast  and  harbor  defenses  should  not  be  particularly  ob- 
jected to  by  Christians,  unless  it  be  for  their  supposed  waste- 
fulness, for  they  can  never  be  used  in  offensive  warfare,  and 
therefore,  however  powerful  or  many  they  may  be,  they  cause 
no  anxiety  to  peacefully  inclined  neighbors.  The  case,  how- 
ever, is  different  with  a  navy.  It  sails  the  sea,  and  if  powerful 
can  hardly  fail  to  arouse  suspicion  and  fear,  especially  among 
neighbors  whose  navies  are  weaker  than  our  own.  Is  it  not 
important  that  we  should  make  our  efforts  to  allay  those  suspi- 
cions and  fears',  large  in  proportion  to  their  aggravating  cause, 
namely,  our  navy  ? 

Should  the  proposal  here  suggested  be  accepted,  the  ques- 
tion of  the  size  of  the  navy  might  not  be  as  perplexing  as  it 
now  is.  Advocates  of  say  four  new  battle-ships  per  annum,  in 
addition  to  the  total  current  expenses  of  the  navy,  aggregating 
annually  ;?  150,000,000  would  probably  hesitate  to  push  their 
demand  if  it  meant  an  equal  grant  for  international  good-will. 

Of  course,  aggressive  militarists  and  all  who  are  more  or  less 
dominated  by  race  pride,  prejudice  and  selfishness  will  scout 
this  proposal.  They  have  no  confidence  whatever  in  goodness 
as  a  practical  policy,  especially  between  nations.  In  their  eyes 
force  is  all  that  really  counts. 

Those,  however,  who  have  learned  their  lesson  in  the  School 
of  Christ,  know  that  the  Christian  policy  is  after  all  the  only 


184  The  Fight  for  Peace 

policy  that  is  really  practicable.  Goodness  begets  goodness ; 
helpfulness,  helpfulness;  trust,  trust.  Mr.  Worldly  Wiseman 
is  not  so  wise  as  he  thinks  himself.  We  have  good  authority 
as  well  as  much  experience  for  holding  that  "  Foolishness  is 
justified  of  her  children."  Complete  disarmament  can  come 
only  when  all  nations  trust  one  another  and  are  worthy  of  that 
trust. 

No  other  country  than  the  United  States  can  so  well  under- 
take such  an  international  policy  as  that  proposed  in  this 
volume.  Is  not  vast  national  wealth  a  divine  international 
trust  ?  The  white  races  have  taken  possession  of  the  great  and 
relatively  unoccupied  natural  resources  of  the  world.  Should 
not  that  wealth  be  regarded  as  an  international  trust  and  be 
used  for  the  benefit  also  of  nations  less  favored  ? 

The  fundamental  principles  of  human  life  are  as  true  for 
nations  as  for  individuals.  Should  not  our  nation  inaugurate 
a  policy  of  national  good-will  commensurate  with  its  other 
activities,  which  policy  is  essential  to  the  final  disarmament 
of  nations  and  the  lasting  peace  of  the  world?  The  truly 
great  nation,  no  less  than  the  truly  great  man,  gives  liberally 
of  its  wealth,  its  thought,  its  time,  and  its  effort  for  the  welfare 
of  others. 

Is  not  unselfish  service  the  true  measure  of  national  as  of 
individual  greatness  ? 


xvn 

INTERNATIONAL  CHURCH  COOPERATION 
FOR  WORLD-PEACE 

SHOULD  not  the  churches  of  the  United  States  also 
seek,  in  every  way  practicable,  the  cooperation  of 
all  Christians  in  every  land  for  the  promotion  of 
World-Peace  ?  Every  pulpit  throughout  Christendom 
should  be  enlisted  for  the  peace  cause.  Had  the  preachers 
of  Austria,  France,  Germany,  Great  Britain,  Russia,  and  the 
United  States  been  proclaiming  righteousness  and  good-will 
among  the  nations  as  an  essential  part  of  Christianity;  had 
they  denounced  war  preparations  as  wicked,  with  their  spies 
and  their  lies ;  had  they  insisted  that  militarism  and  war  have 
no  more  in  common  with  Christianity  than  drunkenness, 
adultery,  robbery,  or  private  murder ;  had  they  been  teaching 
that  a  nation  has  no  more  moral  right  to  attack,  injure  or  des- 
troy another  than  has  an  individual ;  in  a  word,  had  the 
churches  been  faithfully  teaching  the  people  and  had  they 
been  making  one  of  the  tests  of  church  membership  a  man's 
attitude  on  this  question,  the  present  European  tragedy  would 
not  have  occurred. 

The  call  of  the  pastors  of  Switzerland  in  their  "  Appeal  to 
the  Christian  Churches,"  *  issued  in  January,  1914,  suggests 
what  should  be  done  on  a  large  scale  as  soon  as  conditions 
permit.  As  churches  the  Christians  of  the  world  should 
assemble  to  consult  together  and  to  devise  practical  measures 
for  the  overthrow  of  militarism  and  the  abolishment  of  wars 
between  nations  that  profess  to  be  Christian.  "It  is  ab- 
solutely essential  that  they  strive  with  all  their  might  against 

1 "  Appeal  to  the  Christian  Churches,"  by  the  Pastors  of  Switzerland, 
January,  19 14. 

i8S 


1 86  The  Fight  for  Peace 

the  prejudice,  selfish  interest  and  that  false  patriotism  which 
sows  jealousy  and  hatred  among  nations.  It  is  absolutely 
essential  that  they  work  together  for  the  substitution  of  right 
for  force ;  of  arbitration  for  war.  It  is  absolutely  essential 
that  they  rouse  the  nations,  not  to  a  ruinous  competition  in 
armaments,  but  to  a  fruitful  emulation  in  the  arts  of  peace." 

Might  not  the  Protestant  Churches  of  America,  through  the 
Federal  Council  and  the  Church  Peace  Union,  make  over- 
tures to  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  of  America  proposing 
joint  peace  delegations  of  representative  churchmen  to  every 
church  in  Christendom?  While  jurists,  parliamentarians  and 
statesmen  are  perfecting  machinery  for  World-Peace,  why 
should  not  the  churches  of  Christendom  parallel  the  move- 
ment and  do  the  vastly  more  important  work  of  moulding  the 
hearts  and  minds  of  the  masses  in  each  nation  ? 

Why  might  there  not  be  held  in  London,  Berlin  or  Paris  br 
Rome  an  Ecumenical  Peace  Council  of  the  Churches  ?  What 
incalculable  blessings  in  countless  lines  would  accrue  from  such 
a  council !  How  ancient  animosities  between  the  churches 
would  melt  away  and  reconciliations  take  place  !  Would  they 
not  go  far  toward  making  a  real  peace  program  effective? 
Would  not  the  union  of  all  Christians  in  a  positive  peace 
effort  reveal  the  inherent  unity  of  Christians  and  thus  secure 
that  active  presence  of  Christ  among  us  that  would  insure 
victory  and  establish  the  permanent  and  universal  rule  of  the 
Prince  of  Peace. 

If  the  church  organizations  and  the  Christians  in  each  land 
should  cooperate  in  this  matter,  ambitious  dynasties,  scheming 
bureaucracies  and  grasping  capitalists  might  be  controlled. 
Unless  the  churches  really  do  their  work  of  moulding  the 
hearts  of  the  nations,  arbitration  treaties  and  the  Hague  Court 
will  avail  little.  If  the  churches  abdicate  their  responsibility 
for  establishing  the  Kingdom  of  God  in  its  larger  aspects, 
other  organizations  will  make  the  attempt.  Already  it  looks  as 
though  social  democracy  would  forge  ahead  and  was  likely  to 
make  international  peace  one  of  its  strong  planks.     After  the 


International  Cooperation  for  World- Peace     187 

present  European  Armageddon  is  over  and  laborers  in  every 
land  discover  the  cost  to  themselves  of  dynastic  ambitions, 
national  jealousies  and  capitalistic  schemes,  and  realize  how 
they  themselves  have  been  compelled  to  fight  and  suffer  and 
die,  leaving  widows  and  orphans  in  ruined  homes,  social  de- 
mocracy will  raise  its  head  with  renewed  energy,  and  possibly 
venom,  to  denounce  the  Church  for  its  apathy  and  criminal 
failure  and  the  rulers  and  capitalists  for  their  positive  wicked- 
ness. Socialism  will  doubtless  seek  to  establish  international 
peace.  But  the  peace  it  will  seek  to  establish  will  surely  be 
partial ;  it  will  not  include  all  mankind,  regardless  of  race  in 
its  scope.  Nor  will  it  make  universal  righteousness  and  good- 
will its  fundamental  principles.  That  means,  however,  still 
further  tragedy  decades  hence.  For  world-peace  can  come 
only  through  world-welfare — based  on  a  world-righteousness 
that  rejects  all  race  or  class  preference. 

The  time  has  come  for  Christians  in  every  land  to  see  that 
the  churches  insist  on  righteousness,  truth  and  good-will  in 
every  department  of  life.  And  for  this  the  churches  of  every 
land  should  cooperate.  For  the  lands  are  no  longer  isolated 
as  they  once  were.  Space  no  longer  keeps  them  apart.  Their 
interests  and  their  welfare  are  closely  interlinked.  The 
churches  of  every  land,  therefore,  should  take  early  and 
effective  steps,  cooperating  in  the  adoption  of  practical 
means  in  every  land  to  teach  the  people  and  to  guide  the 
governments. 

In  arranging  for  the  Ecumenical  Peace  Conference  of  Chris- 
tian Churches  suggested  above,  the  Church  Peace  Union  of 
America  might  well  take  the  lead.  It  would  naturally  take 
the  matter  up  with  the  **  World  Alliance  of  the  Churches  for 
the  Promotion  of  International  Friendship  "  which  came  into 
existence  at  Constance  August  2,  19 14,  just  as  "  the  great 
war  "  broke  out.  This  organization  would  communicate  with 
its  branches  in  each  land  and  also  with  the  suitable  representa- 
tives of  the  Roman  Catholic  and  the  various  Greek  churches. 

That  the  World  Conference  of  Churches  is  prepared  to  take 


i88  The  Fight  for  Peace 

some  such  step  as  this  is  indicated  by  the  following  resolutions 
which  were  passed  on  that  memorable  day  (August  2d)  when 
Europe's  international  organization  fell  into  complete  con- 
fusion. 

1.  "That,  inasmuch  as  the  work  of  conciliation  and  the 
promotion  of  amity  is  essentially  a  Christian  task,  it  is  ex- 
pedient that  the  churches  in  all  lands  should  use  their  in- 
fluence with  the  Peoples,  Parliament  and  the  Governments 
of  the  world  to  bring  about  good  and  friendly  relationships 
between  the  nations,  so  that,  along  the  path  of  peaceful  civili- 
zation, they  may  reach  that  universal  good-will  which  Chris- 
tianity has  taught  mankind  to  aspire  after." 

2.  "  That,  inasmuch  as  all  sections  of  the  Church  of  Christ 
are  equally  concerned  in  the  maintenance  of  peace  and  the 
promotion  of  good  feeling  among  all  the  races  of  the  world, 
it  is  advisable  for  them  to  act  in  concert  in  their  efforts  to 
carry  the  foregoing  resolution  into  effect." 

3.  **  That  in  order  to  enable  the  different  churches  to  be 
brought  into  touch  with  one  another,  steps  should  be  taken  to 
form  in  every  country  councils  of  either  a  denominational  or 
interdenominational  character  (as  the  circumstances  of  each 
case  require)  whose  object  it  will  be  to  enUst  the  churches, 
in  their  corporate  capacity,  in  a  joint  endeavor  to  achieve  the 
promotion  of  international  friendship  and  the  avoidance  of 
war,  and  that  for  this  purpose  a  central  bureau  should  be 
established  for  facilitating  correspondence  between  such 
councils,  collecting  and  distributing  information  and  gen- 
erally coordinating  the  work  connected  with  the  movement." 

4.  "  That  the  duty  of  carrying  into  effect  the  resolutions 
arrived  at  by  the  Conference  be  entrusted  to  a  committee  con- 
sisting of  the  following  members :     .     .     ." 

Here  follow  the  names  of  seventeen  representative  Christians 
of  England,  France,  Germany,  Switzerland,  and  the  United 
States,  to  whom  is  given  power  to  add  to  then:  number. 


xvin 

THE  NEW  CRUSADE 

MILITARISM  is  bankrupt.  Might  never  makes 
right;  it  brings  no  real  success.  Arrogant 
worldly  ambition  creates  enemies  and  causes 
ruin. 

Modem  civilization  begets  modem  conditions  under  which 
the  modem  man  must  work  out  his  salvation. 

The  Peace  Movement  seeks  to  establish  social  and  interna- 
tional machinery  for  the  attainment  of  arbitral  justice.  It  deals 
with  important  yet  nevertheless  superficial  factors  that  make  for 
peace.  It  provides  the  method  but  does  not  produce  the  es- 
sential spiritual  life. 

Historic  Christianity  has  been  apathetic  to  the  visions  of 
prophets  and  apostles  because  it  has  been  seriously  paganized ; 
it  has  been  invaded  by^the  spirit  of  the  world.  It  has  believed 
the  Satanic  suggestion  that  worship  of  force  and  fraud  would 
really  give  possession  of  the  kingdoms  of  this  world  and  the 
glory  thereof. 

From  the  eyes  of  millions,  however,  the  veil  has  been 
Stripped ;  the  delusion  of  Satan  is  now  clear.  The  scourge  of 
war  has  disclosed  the  brutal,  degrading  character  of  militarism. 
In  proportion  as  militarism  prospers  do  civilization  and  religion 
perish  and  human  values  disappear.  Its  very  successes  are 
illusions,  nay,  disasters  vast  and  overwhelming. 

Christians  are  to-day  seeing  new  visions.  Eternal  and  in- 
vincible principles  of  life  have  suddenly  become  plain.  Man's 
mastery  of  nature  and  conquest  of  space  have  indeed  given  him 
a  new  heaven  and  a  new  earth.  Discoveries  and  inventions, 
however,  do  not  and  cannot  of  themselves  produce  the  new 

189 


igo  The  Fight  for  Peace 

social  order  needful  for  this  new  era.  This  can  come  only  by 
spiritual  regeneration.  Christians  now  begin  to  see  what  is 
needed : 

"  The  establishment  of  a  world- civilization  in  which  all  men 
regardless  of  race,  social  or  previous  moral  condition  shall  to- 
gether find  God  and  do  the  day's  work  happily  with  Him  and 
with  each  other  forevermore  through  personal  connection  with 
Jesus  Christ "  (Prof.  Edw.  I.  Bosworth). 

Loud,  wide,  insistent  is  the  call  of  millions  to  war  upon  war. 
Denunciations  of  its  folly  and  wickedness  fill  our  papers.  There 
is  much  clear  analysis  of  the  causes  for  the  tragedy.  Preach- 
ers and  writers  convince  us  that  no  one  people  and  no  single 
monarch  are  responsible.  Militarism  is  a  disease  infecting 
every  nation.  "  The  spirit  of  materialism  and  selfishness  and 
belief  in  the  might  of  the  stronger  have  twined  themselves 
around  the  roots  of  Western  civilization,"  writes  Mr.  Oldham. 
*'  The  intellectual  classes  of  Europe  have  to  a  large  extent 
turned  their  backs  on  Christ,  repudiated  His  ethics  and  ac- 
cepted the  doctrine  that  enlightened  self-interest  should  regulate 
the  conduct  both  of  individuals  and  nations." 

"  The  war  is  the  result  of  a  false  philosophy  of  national  life, 
a  philosophy  which  maintains  that  the  foundation  of  power  is 
physical  force,  and  that  greatness  is  to  be  computed  in  terms 
of  brute  strength  "  (Dr.  Charles  E.  Jefferson). 

In  all  these  brilliant  and  illuminating  discussions,  however, 
and  in  spite  of  their  insistence  that  righteousness  must  become 
the  ruling  force  among  men  and  nations,  I  find  no  proposals  as 
to  how  this  spirit  is  to  be  created,  this  ideal  realized.  Such 
suggestions  as  do  occur  in  regard  to  the  establishment  of  world- 
peace,  propose  to  utilize  the  conventional  methods  whether  of 
the  Church  or  of  the  Peace  Movement.  These,  however,  are 
inadequate.     They  must,  therefore,  be  supplemented. 

We  have  in  America  36,000,000  Protestant  and  Roman 
Catholic  Christians.  The  vast  majority  of  these  men  and 
women  earnestly  desire  world-peace.  But  what  are  they  doing 
— ^what  can  they  do  as  the  Church  is  now  organized  ?    The 


The  New  Crusade  191 

vision  of  world-peace  inspires  us  to-day  and  we  have,  I  be- 
lieve, the  power.  We  now  need  to  connect  the  individual  bat- 
teries with  the  central  motor  and  slip  on  the  belt,  bringing  the 
power  over  into  our  vast  administrative  political  system,  and 
drive  all  its  wheels  by  Christian  instead  of  by  pagan  force. 
Should  Christians  combine  on  their  Christian  program  for  social 
and  international  righteousness  incalculable  results  would  fol- 
low. Would  it  not,  moreover,  be  easy  under  such  conditions 
to  win  for  Christ  and  His  Kingdom  millions  of  those  who  now 
regard  the  Church  with  scorn  and  proposals  for  world-peace 
with  skepticism  ? 

The  next  great  forward  step  for  the  Christian  world  is  the 
Crusade  for  Peace.  Who  shall  be  the  leaders  in  this  forward 
movement  of  the  modern  world  ? 

Pastors y  awake  /  Enlist  in  the  new  crusade  !  Yours  is  the 
great  opportunity ;  yours  the  splendid  responsibility.  The 
suffering  war-sick  world  awaits  your  response  to  the  call  of  the 
Prince  of  Peace. 

Under  enthusiastic  guidance  by  the  pastors  of  America,  100,- 
000  strong,  the  Christian  forces  can  easily  be  mobilized  for  the 
New  Crusade,  the  war  against  war.  Vast  campaigns  are  be- 
fore us.  Ballots  shall  be  our  bullets.  Legislatures  must  be 
captured.  Golden  Rule  laws  must  be  enacted  by  national  and 
state  legislatures. 

The  Prince  of  Peace  invites  volunteers  for  the  New  Crusade. 


^^  tvoc  signo  vioc^^ 


dL 


Bibliography 


The  following  volumes  and  pamphlets,  containing  record  of  the 
work  of  the  churches  in  the  interest  of  international  peace,  may  be 
obtained  from  the  Book  Department  of  the  Federal  Council  of  the 
Churches  of  Christ  in  America,  105  East  2  2d  Street,  New  York  City : 

**  Christian  Unity  at  Work,"  edited  by  Charles  S.  Macfarland ; 

$1.00;  post-paid,  ;^i.20. 
"The    Proceedings   of  the  Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  of 

Christ   in   America  of  1912,"  accompanying  the  volume 

"  Christian  Unity  at  Work." 
**  The  Annual  Reports  of  the  Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  of 

Christ  in  America  for  19 14,"  post-paid,  20  cents. 
**  A  Year  Book  of  the  Church  and  Social  Service,"  paper  cover, 

25    cents ;   post-paid,  30   cents ;   cloth  cover,  50  centa ; 

post-paid,  55  cents. 
**  The  Churches  of  Christ  in  America  and  International  Peace,'* 

by  Charles  S.  Macfarland ;  printed  by  the   Church  Peace 

Union,  70  Fifth  Ave.,  free. 
•'Japan  and  the  United  States  "  (a  report  of  an  investigation  con- 
ducted for  the  Commission  on  Relations  with  Japan),  by 

Professor  H.  A.  Millis. 
"The  Churches  and  International  Friendship,"  published  by  the 

World  Alliance  of  the  Churches  for  Promoting  International 

Friendship,   may   be   obtained    from    the    Church    Peace 

Union,  free. 
Pamphlet  literature,  which  is  issued  constantly,  may  be  obtained 

from  the  Church  Peace  Union. 
Pamphlet  literature  is  also  constantly  issued  by  the  Commission 

on  Peace  and  Arbitration  of  the  Federal  Council  of  the 

Churches  of  Christ  in  America. 
Lesson   Study  Courses   for  Sunday  School  and  General  Church 

use  are  issued  by  the  Commission  on  Christian  Education  of 

the  Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  of  Chrin  ip  America. 

Printed  in  the  United  States  of  America 

2 
192 


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